DUKE 

UNIVERSITY 


LIBRARY 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/romansacrificial01bowe 


ALTAR  OF  VERMINUS.  No.  1. 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 

II 

AN  ARCHAEOLOGICAL  STUDY 
OF  MONUMENTS  IN  ROME 


BY 

HELEN  COX  BOWERMAN 


A DISSERTATION 

Peesented  to  the  Faculty  op  Beyn  Mawb  College  in 
Paetial  Fulfilment  op  the  Requieements  foe 
THE  DeGEEE  of  DoCTOE  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


Press  op 

THE  New  era  Printing  Compant 
Lancaster,  pa. 


1913 


72^,  ? 


"ft  ■'  6 


r-s 

■ 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


PAGE 


Introduction 1 

Catalogue 10 

Development  op  Types 59 

Class  I 59 

Class  II 72 

^ 73 

■B 76 

C 78 

81 

Decoration 83 

Conclusion 95 

Index 96 


ABBREVIATIONS 


AJA — American  Journal  of  Archaeology. 

AZ — Archdologische  Zeitung. 

Arch.  Anz. — Archdologischer  Anzeiger;  Beiblatt  zum  Jahriuch  des 
Archdologischen  Institute. 

BC — Bulletino  della  Commissione  Archeologica  Communale  di  Boma. 
BSA — Annual  of  the  British  School  at  Athens. 

CIL — Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum. 

DS — Daremherg  et  Saglio,  Bictionnaire  des  Antiquites. 

ILS — Inscriptiones  Latinae  Selectae,  ed.  Dessau. 

JES — Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies. 

NS — Notizie  degli  Scavi  di  Antichitd  communicate  alia  B.  Accademia 
dei  Lincei. 

BM — Mittheilungen  des  hais.  Beutschen  Archdologischen  InstituU: 
Bdmische  Ahtheilung. 

WV — Wiener  Vorlegebldtter  fur  Archdologische  Uebungen. 


V 


INTRODUCTION 


In  the  earliest  stages  of  Roman  life  of  which  we  now 
have  any  definite  knowledge  the  idea  of  sacrifice  formed  an 
essential  part  of  the  religious  conceptions  of  the  race. 
This  found  formal  expression  in  the  word  sacrificium,  the 
making  sacred  of  any  object  as  the  exclusive  property 
of  the  divinity.^  In  the  words  of  Warde  Fowler:^  “The 
word  sacrificium,  ...  in  its  widest  sense,  may  cover  any 
religious  act  in  which  something  is  made  sacrum,  i.  e.  (in 
its  l^al  sense),  the  property  of  a deity.  . . . Sacrificium 
is  limited  in  practical  use  by  the  Romans  themselves  to 
offerings,  animal  or  cereal,  made  on  the  spot  where  the 
deity  had  taken  up  his  residence,  or  at  some  place  on  the 
boundary  of  land  or  city  (e.  g.,  the  city  gate)  which  was 
under  his  protection,  or  (in  later  times  at  least)  at  a tem- 
porary altar  erected  during  a campaign.”^  The  destruc- 
tion of  the  offering  in  a manner  prescribed  by  ritual,  typi- 
fying and  securing  its  complete  transference  to  the  deity, 
was  the  essential  element  of  sacrifice. 

Many  theories  have  been  advanced  to  account  for  the 
origin  of  sacrifice,^  but  it  is  difficult  to  find  in  any  one  of 

' Cf.  Isidorus,  Etymol.,  VI,  38 : sacrificium  quasi  sacrum  factum. 

’ The  Beligious  Experience  of  the  Boman  People,  pp.  171-172. 

° Cf.  also  Hubert  and  Mauss,  Essai  sur  la  nature  et  la  fonction  du 
sacrifice  in  L’annee  sociologique,  1898,  pp.  39-40:  “ On  doit  appeler 
sacrifice  toute  oblation,  meme  vegetale,  toutes  les  fois  que  1’  offrande 
ou  qu  ’ une  partie  de  1 ’ offrande  est  detruite,  bien  que  1 ’ usage  paraisse 
reserver  le  mot  de  sacrifice  a la  designation,  des  seuls  sacrifices 
sanglants.  ’ ’ 

* For  convenient  summaries  cf.  Fowler,  op.  cit.,  pp.  172  ff. ; Ency- 
clopaedia Britanniea,  Eleventh  Edition,  article  Sacrifice,  by  N.  W. 
Thomas. 


1 


2 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


them  an  explanation  that  is  completely  satisfactory  for  all 
cases.  One  of  the  weaknesses  of  most  of  these  theories  is 
that  they  have  been  framed  with  the  idea  of  universal  ap- 
plication, but  as  has  been  pointed  out  in  recent  years,®  it 
is  hardly  probable  that  all  forms  of  sacrifice  arose  from  the 
same  primitive  conception.  The  fundamental  idea,  how- 
ever, seems  to  be  that  the  gods  are  capable  of  sending  good 
or  ill ; if  man  is  to  be  happy  the  favor  of  these  powers  must 
be  won  and  their  ill-will  averted.  The  chief  means  to  this 
end  is  the  sacrifice,  whether  it  be  expiatory,  honorific  or 
sacramental  in  origin. 

In  the  simple  life  of  early  Rome  the  sacrifices  must  have 
been  performed  in  a manner  fitting  the  character  and  en- 
vironment of  the  people.  For  these  sacrifices  some  primi- 
tive form  of  altar  would  be  required.  A few  unhewn 
stones®  or  a temporary  structure  of  turf  and  branches'*^ 
would  be  sufficient  for  the  simple  ceremonial  of  this  early 
worship.  Gradually  these  temporary  altars  would  give 
place  to  more  permanent  structures,  where  the  sacrifices 
were  offered  in  a manner  but  little  more  elaborate  than 
earlier  generations  had  known. 

By  degrees,  with  the  growth  of  the  Roman  state,  this 
simple  worship  became  more  complex  and  the  official  cults 
and  priesthoods  were  established.  Doubtless  much  was 
lost  in  this  process  of  evolution  and  through  the  growing 
intercourse  with  Etruria  and  Greece  much  was  gained,  but 
through  all  these  changes  the  idea  of  sacrifice  remained  as 
a central  and  essential  feature  of  Roman  religion,  both 
domestic  and  national,  and  of  necessity  the  altar  held  a 

“ Hubert  and  Mauss,  op.  cit. 

* Cf.  a relief  from  the  Ara  Pads  Augustas  now  in  the  Museo 
Nazionale,  Eome.  Illustrated,  Strong,  Eoman  Sculpture,  PI.  IX,  2; 
Photo.  Alinari,  27323. 

’Vergil,  Aen.,  VI,  177  f.;  XII,  117  fif.;  Ovid,  Met.,  XV,  573  fit.; 
Trist.,  V,  5,  9;  Statius,  Theb.,  VIII,  298  f.;  Apuleius,  Met.,  VII,  10. 


INTEODUCTION 


3 


most  important  place  in  all  religious  observances  of  which 
the  rite  of  sacrifice  formed  a part. 

In  descriptions  of  Roman  sacrificial  rites  five  different 
terms  for  designating  the  altars  are  commonly  used : focus, 
foculus,  mensa,  ara  and  altaria.  Of  these,  the  last  two 
appear  most  frequently,  but  the  others  are  used  often 
enough  to  make  an  investigation  of  their  meaning  nec- 
essary. 

The  ancient  etymologists  derive  the  word  focus  from 
fovere^  and  Servius  adds  in  one  passage®  that  a focus  is  an 
indispensable  adjunct  of  both  public  and  private  sacrifices. 
However  unsound  etymologically  this  derivation  may  be,^® 
it  undoubtedly  expresses  the  real  significance  of  the  fociis, 
— that  it  was  a place  where  the  sacred  fire  was  tended,  at 
first  the  hearth  of  the  individual  home,  the  center  of  the 
domestic  worship,  but  with  the  gradual  growth  of  the  state 
religion  becoming  a necessary  adjunct  of  the  public  sacri- 
ficial altar.  The  use  of  the  word  in  the  familiar  phrase 
arae  focique^^  as  expressive  of  all  that  was  most  sacred 
from  a religious  point  of  view  was  an  attempt  to  unite  in 
one  the  public  and  private  aspects  of  religion. 

Originally  the  term  focus  may  have  been  applied  to  the 
part  of  the  altar  which  actually  contained  the  sacrificial 
fire,^^  or  to  a small  portable  brazier  placed  upon  the  altar 
at  the  time  of  sacrifice,^®  but  in  most  cases  where  it  is  used 
in  descriptions  of  sacrificial  rites  it  seems  to  be  practically 
synonymous  with  ara  or  altaria.^*  Garlands  are  hung 

“Varro,  quoted  by  Isidorus,  Origines,  XX,  10;  Pestus,  p.  85, 
Muller;  p.  60,  Thewrewk;  Servius,  ad  Aen.,  XI,  211;  XII,  118. 

•Ad  Aen.,  Ill,  134. 

“Cf.  Walde,  Lat.  Etym.  Worterbuch,  Focus, 

“Cf.  Sallust,  Catiline,  52;  Cicero,  Be  Nat.  Beorum,  II,  27. 

“ Cf.  B8,  Focus. 

“Forcellini,  Lexicon,  Focus. 

Ovid,  Met.,  IV,  753. 


4 


KOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


upon  it;^®  it  may  be  constructed  of  turf  the  exta  of  the 
victims  are  burned  upon  itd^  All  this  shows  that  its 
original  significance  was  gradually  lost  and  that  the  dis- 
tinction between  it  and  altaria  and  ara  came  to  be  disre- 
garded, especially  by  the  poets. 

The  term  foculus  may  be  dismissed  in  a few  words.  It 
appears  frequently  in  the  Acta  Fratrum  Arvalium  and 
seems  there  to  refer  to  a portable  vessel  or  tripod,^®  which 
in  certain  instances  at  least  was  of  silver.^®  It  could  not 
have  been  large,  as  it  was  carried  about  from,  place  to 
pi  ace. 

The  mensa  or  table  was  a necessary  part  of  the  furniture 
of  the  sanctuary.  Here  were  kept  the  sacred  vessels  and 
implements  when  they  were  not  in  actual  use,^^  and  here 
the  offerings  of  the  worshippers  were  deposited.^^  Festus 
gives  the  term  anclabris  as  a special  nam.e  for  the  sacred 
table.^^  As  a sacrificial  term  mensa  seems  to  have  pre- 
served more  of  its  original  meaning  than  did  focusy^* 
although  there  is  mention  of  a sacrifice  made  upon  a 
me.nsa,^^  which  in  this  case  therefore  can  hardly  denote  an 
ordinary  table  for  the  sanctuary.  Cicero  uses  the  term  in 
regard  to  a monument  for  the  dead,^®  presumably  the  ordi- 

“ Tibullus,  I,  2,  82. 

« Ovid,  Met.,  IV,  753. 

“ Ovid,  Fasti,  IV,  935. 

” Henzen,  Acta  Fratrum  Arvalium,  p.  23. 

” Henzen,  op.  cit.,  CCIII,  19. 

“Cicero,  Fro  Dome,  47;  Pliny,  N.  E.,  XXII,  11;  Farro,  L.  L., 
VI,  14. 

^ Cf.  Clarac,  Musee  de  Sculpture,  II,  185. 

“Macrobius,  Sat.,  Ill,  11,  5-6;  Servius,  ad  Aen.,  VIII,  279. 

“P.  11,  Muller;  p.  8,  Thewrewk.  Cf.  also  p.  77,  MuUer;  p.  54, 
Thewrewk. 

®*Maerobius,  Sat.,  Ill,  11,  5-6;  Servius,  ad  Aen.,  VIII,  279. 

“ Festus,  p.  64,  Miiller ; p.  45,  Thewrewk. 

“He  Legg.,  II,  26. 


INTRODUCTION 


5 


nary  grave-altar.  A second  passage  of  Festus^’^  shows  that 
mensae  were,  used  as  altars  in  aedibus  sacris.  This  quali- 
fying phrase  is  probably  to  be  explained  by  the  fact  that 
the  actual  sacrificial  altars  were  usually,  for  reasons  of  con- 
venience, placed  outside  the  temple  proper.^®  A passage 
in  Petronius^'’  gives  a widely  different  meaning  to  the 
term.  Here  it  appears  to  be  an  immediate  adjunct  of  the 
altar  itself,  a sort  of  brazier  or  grate  placed  upon  it  at  the 
time  of  sacrifice. 

In  discussing  ara  and  altaria,  the  terms  most  frequently 
used,  it  may  be  well  to  take  up  the  derivation  first.  Festus 
gives  as  one  explanation  of  the  derivation  of  altaria  the 
following  altaria  ab  altitudine  dicta  sunt,  quod  antiqui 
diis  superis  in  aedificiis  a terra  exaltatis  sacrafaciebant.^^ 
This  may  be  correct,  though  other  explanations  have  been 
suggested  by  modern  scholars.^^ 

The  word  ara  appears  to  be  the  more  ancient.  There  is 

”P.  156,  Miiller;  p.  151,  Thewrewk. 

“Cf.  Pauly- Wissowa,  Eeal-Encyclopddie,  article  Altar,  II,  1649. 

” Saturae,  135 : Mensam  veterem  posuit  in  medio  altari,  quam  vivis 
implevit  carhonibus. 

29,  Muller;  p.  21,  Thewrewk. 

*‘With  this  Servius,  ad  Eel.,  V,  66  {altaria  . . . quae  ab  altitudine 
constant  esse  nominata),  and  Isidorus,  Etymol.,  XV,  4,  14  {altare 
autem  ab  altitudine  constat  esse  nominatum  quasi  alta  ara),  agree. 
Cf.  also  Corp.  Gloss.  Lat.,  V,  438,  53,  and  Scholiast  on  Statius,  Theb., 
IV,  459. 

“Pott  {Etym.  Forschungen,  II,  4,  299)  finds  in  the  word  a com- 
pound of  the  root  as,  to  sit,  and  the  prefix  alt-,  a high  seat.  This  he 
regards  as  more  probable  than  a derivation  from  altus  by  means  of 
the  BuflSx  -aris.  Vanicek  (Etym.  Worterbueh,  p.  21)  derives  it  from 
the  root  al-,  to  grow  or  nourish,  from  which  come  also  altus  and 
altitudo.  Walde  (Lat.  Etym.  Worterbueh,  Altar)  condemns  this 
derivation  as  meaningless  and  unsatisfactory  from  the  point  of  view 
of  formation  and  connects  it  with  the  verb  adoleo.  A second  passage 
of  Festus  (p.  5,  Muller;  p.  4,  Thewrewk)  agrees  with  this. 


6 


BOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


abundant  testimony  to  the  primitive  form  asa,^^  before  the 
law  of  rhotacism  became  effective.  This  old  form  is  closely 
connected  with  the  Umbrian  and  Marsian  asa  and  aso,^* 
Oscan  aO'Sa,^'^  Volscian  which  have  a common  root 

meaning  to  bum  or  glow.  The  root  meaning  of  the 
word  would  thus  seem  to  be  a place  for  burnt  offering, 
although  in  the  earliest  times  now  known  to  us  it  had  be- 
come the  common  designation  for  any  place  of  offering, 
without  regard  to  the  use  of  fire  in  the  ritual.  The  ancient 
writers  seem  to  be  confused  and  uncertain  as  to  the  deriva- 
tion of  the  word.®®  Modern  scholars  are  fairly  well  agreed 
in  finding  in  the  root  the  idea  of  burning.®® 

The  Romans  seems  to  have  been  aware  of  an  original 
distinction  between  ara  and  altaria,^^  although  in  practice 

“Cf.  Terentius  Scaurus,  2252,  Keil,  Cham.  Lat.,  VII,  13:  item 
Furios  dicimus  quos  antiqui  Fusios  et  eras  quas  illi  asas.  Cf.  also 
Fronto,  Laud.  Fumi,  ed.  Naber,  p.  213;  Macrobius,  Sat.,  Ill,  2,  8; 
Servius,  ad  Aen.,  IV,  219;  Plaeidus,  ed.  Deverling,  p.  51,  15. 

“Vanicek,  op.  cit.,  p.  34;  Biicheler,  Umirica,  pp.  131,  137  et 
passim;  Archiv  filr  Lat.  Lex.,  I,  104;  Walde,  op.  cit.,  p.  40.  For  the 
difficulties  connected  with  the  Umbrian  asa  cf.  von  Planta,  Gram- 
matih  der  Osk.-Umir.  Bialekte,  I,  527. 

Mommsen,  Unteritalische  Dialekten,  pp.  137  and  244;  Vanifiek, 
1.  c.;  Walde,  1.  c.;  Huschke,  L>ie  Oskischen  und  Sabellischen  Sprach- 
denkmdler,  p.  19. 

“Walde,  1.  c.;  Biicheler,  Archiv,  I,  104. 

®’Cf.  Varro,  L.  L.,  V,  38;  Isidorus,  Etymol.,  XV,  4,  13;  Walde, 
1.  c.;  von  Planta,  Grammatik,  I,  527. 

“ Cf.  for  example  Varro,  quoted  by  Macrobius,  Sat.,  Ill,  2,  8 ; 
Servius,  ad  Aen.,  II,  515;  Isidorus,  1.  c. 

“ For  other  derivations  cf.  Pott,  Etym.  Forsch.,  II,  4,  299 ; Vanifiek, 
op.  cit.,  p.  34;  Pick,  Gdtt.  Gelehrt.  Anzeiger,  1894,  p.  237. 

In  the  case  of  the  latter  word  the  form  altaria  is  used  almost 
exclusively  during  the  classical  period.  According  to  Phocas,  Keil, 
Gram.  Lat.,  V,  428,  13,  the  word  is  not  used  in  the  singular.  Later 
the  forms  altar  (CIL,  XII,  5338,  fifth  century),  altare  (Festus,  p. 
371,  Miiller;  p.  4,  Thewrewk;  Cassiodorus,  Keil,  op.  cit.,  VII,  209,  3) 
and  altarium  (CIL,  VI,  414”,  191  A.  D.)  appear.  An  accusative 
form,  altarem,  is  frequently  found  in  the  Itala  and  in  the  Christian 
writers. 


INTEODUCTION 


7 


this  distinction  was  commonly  disregarded.  Servius  has 
two  important  passages  bearing  on  this  point:  superorum 
et  arae  sunt  et  altaria,  inferorum  tantum  arae.^^  Novimus 
enim  aras  et  diis  esse  superis  et  inferis  consecratas,  altaria 
vero  esse  superorum  tantum  deorum^^  Varro,  quoted  by 
Servius  in  the  first  of  these  passages,  makes  the  further 
distinction  that  diis  superis  altaria,  terrestrihus  aras,  in- 
feris focos  dicari.  In  a third  passage^^  Servius  makes  this 
distinction:  mortuorum  arae,  d&orum  altaria  dicuntur, 
. . . quamvis  hoc  frequenter  poeta  ipse  confundat,  and 
Isidorus  supports  this  when  he  says  inter  altaria  et 
aras  hoc  interest,  quod  altaria  deo  ponuntur,  arae  etiam 
defunctis.  That  arae  as  opposed  to  altaria  were  originally 
connected  with  the  cult  of  the  heroized  dead  is  shown  by 
this  same  conamentary  of  Servius  on  Eclogue  V,  66,  where 
it  is  expressly  stated  that  altaria  were  erected  to  Apollo, 
quasi  deo,  while  Daphnis  by  virtue  of  his  mortal  nature 
received  only  arae.  Too  much  importance,  however,  must 
not  be  attached  to  passages  of  this  sort,  since  we  have  the 
testimony  of  Servius  that  Vergil  was  not  consistent  in  his 
use  of  the  terms,  and  other  writers  were  probably  no  more 
exact  than  he.  The  choice  of  one  word  rather  than  the 
other  was  doubtless  often  determined  merely  by  metrical 
or  rhetorical  considerations.  Altaria,  the  more  sonorous 
term,  is  frequently  preferred  by  the  poets.  A large  num- 
ber of  cases  might  be  cited  where  apparently  there  is  a 
distinction  between  ara  and  altaria,^^  but  these  would  be 
counterbalanced  by  an  equally  large  number  of  cases  where 
the  terms  are  used  promiscuously.^®  An  examination  of 

" Ad  Aen.,  II,  515. 

“ Ad  Eel.,  V,  66. 

“ Ad  Aen.,  Ill,  305. 

“ Liher  Bifferentiarum,  440. 

E.  g.,  Pliny,  Panegyric,  1;  Lucan,  III,  404;  Tacitus,  Ann., 
XVI,  31. 

” Ovid,  Met.,  V,  36 ; Statius,  Silv.,  Ill,  3,  24 ; Silius,  III,  29. 


8 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


the  literary  evidence  fails  to  support  the  statements  of 
Servius  and  Isidoriis  quoted  above,  that  both  arae  and 
altaria  were  used  in  the  worship  of  the  celestial  divinities, 
while  sacrifice  was  offered  to  the  gods  of  the  lower  world 
on  arae  alone.  One  illustration  may  suffice:  in  I,  46  of 
the  Punica  Silius  uses  altaria  as  synonymous  with  an  arae 
previously  used,  which  he  expressly  says  were  erected 
caelique  diis  Erehoqve  potenti. 

F rom  a comparison  of  passages  where  the  two  terms  are 
used,^’^  with  the  support  of  etymology,  certain  writers^® 
have  tried  to  show  that  altaria  was  the  term  used  for  the 
upper  part  of  the  altar,  as  contrasted  with  ara,  the  base 
of  the  structure.  Others  again^®  have  attempted  to  limit 
altaria  to  a separate  portable,  support  or  frame  of  metal  or 
terra  cotta  placed  upon  the  ara  at  the  time  of  sacrifice. 
That  such  accessories  were  used  is  abundantly  attested  by 
the  monuments,®®  and  they  would  be  a necessity  in  the 
case  of  marble  altars  which  would  be  calcined  by  direct 
contact  with  fire.  In  spite,  however,  of  the  evidence  for 
this  practice,  the  use  of  the  term  altaria  as  applied  only 
to  these  accessories  is  scarcely  justified  by  the  literary 
evidence. 

Before  proceeding  to  a discussion  of  the  various  types 
of  sacrificial  altars,  a brief  catalogue  of  the  examples  in 
Rome  at  the  present  day  may  be  helpful.^  The  altars  con- 

Vitruvius,  IV,  9 ; Lucan,  III,  404 ; Quintilian,  Bed.,  XII,  26 ; 
Prudentius,  Cath.,  VII,  203,  Peristeph.,  XIV,  49;  Servius,  ad  Ed., 
V,  66. 

“ Foreellini,  Lexicon,  Altar e. 

"Ruggiero,  Biz.  Epig.,  I,  594;  Walde,  op.  dt.,  p.  20. 

““  Cf.  Gerhard,  Antiice  Benlcmdler,  fig.  418. 

* The  catalogue  includes  altars  in  the  Museo  Nazionale,  Museo 
Capitolino,  Palazzo  dei  Conservator!,  Antiquarium,  Museo  Laterano, 
Museo  Vaticano,  in  the  Forum  and  on  the  Palatine.  A list  believed 
to  be  practically  complete  for  Rome  at  the  present  time  is  given  in 
the  index. 


INTRODUCTION 


9 


sidered  have  been  divided  into  two  main  classes — those 
with  a curving  profile  or  outline  and  those  with  a straight 
profile.  The  first  class,  though  numerically  much  the 
smaller,^  far  surpasses  the  second  in  interest  and  impor- 
tance. The  second  class  has  been  divided  into  four  groups : 
(A)  altars  having  pulvini  or  bolsters  at  the  sides;  (B) 
those  -with  pointed  appendages  or  ‘‘horns”  at  the  corners 
of  the  top;  (C)  fiat-topped  altars;  (D)  altars  with  shallow 
depressions  of  various  shapes  and  depths  in  the  upper  sur- 
face. In  a few  instances  an  altar  may  be  classified  in  two 
of  these  groups — for  example,  an  altar  with  pulvini  or 
horns  may  also  have  the  depression  characteristic  of  Class 
II,  D — ^but  as  a general  rule  the  divisions  are  clearly 
marked.  The  absence  in  most  cases  of  any  satisfactory 
criteria  for  dating  has  made  even  a roughly  chronological 
arrangement  impossible.  The  altars  have  therefore  been 
grouped  within  the  different  classes  according  to  their  pres- 
ent location. 

*Only  three  of  the  eighty-seven  altars  considered  are  included  in 
Class  I. 


2 


CATALOGUE 


Class  I 

1.  Altar  of  Verminus. 

Antiquarium  (Magazzino  Archeologico) . 

CIL,  VI,  3732  = 31057;  IL8,  4019;  BC,  Vol.  IV, 
1876,  pp.  24-28;  Vol.  XXVI,  1898,  pp.  164-165; 
Lanciani,  Ancient  Rome  in  the  Light  of  Recent  Excava- 
tions, p.  52;  Studniczka,  Oest.  Jahreshefte,  Vol.  VI, 
1903,  p.  142;  Hiilsen,  RM,  Vol.  XX,  1905,  pp.  41—42; 
Plainer,  Ancient  Rome‘S,  p.  491. 

Illustrated:  BC,  1.  c.,  Tav.  Ill;  Oest.  Jahreshefte, 
1.  c.,  fig.  90 ; RM,  1.  c.,  p.  42,  fig.  8. 

Peperino.  Height,  1.032  m. ; breadth  and  depth, 
.752  m. 

The  altar  was  found  in  1876  on  the  Via  del  Maccao, 
near  the  present  Ministry  of  Finance.  In  form  it  repro- 
duces almost  exactly  that  of  the  altar  of  Calvinus  on  the 
Palatine,^  except  that  the  top  is  flat,  and  not  furnished 
with  pulvini.  The  base  is  formed  by  a quadrangular 
plinth,  above  which  is  a torus,  and  a section  with  curving 
outline,  narrowing  in  to  the  central  section,  which  is  com- 
posed of  a trochilus,  bordered  by  narrow  fillets.  The  three 
upper  sections  reproduce  with  reversed  outline  the  three 
lower  sections.  The  inscription  is  cut  on  the  front  of  the 
upper  plinth: 

VEEMINO 

A . POSTUMIUS  . A . F . A . N . ALBI 
DUO  . VIE  . LEGE  PLAETOEIA 


* Class  I,  3. 


10 


CATALOGUE 


11 


Next  to  the  altar  of  Calvinus,  the  closest  parallel  is  found 
in  the  so-called  Altar  of  Bovillae,^  which  is  also  of  the  same 
material.  The  altar  of  Verminus  is  probably  to  be  dated 
in  the  time  of  SuUa.^  The  divinity  to  whom  the  altar  is 
dedicated  is  otherwise  unknown,  and  the  derivation  of  the 
name  is  uncertain.® 

2.  Altar  of  Veiovis. 

Gardens  of  the  Villa  Colonna. 

CIL,  I,  807  = XIV,  2387;  Nibby,  I,  p.  210 ; 

Gell,  Rome  and  its  Vicinity,  I,  p.  219 ; Canina,  Via 
Appia,  I,  pp.  209,  213,  232;  Dressel,  Annali,  Vol.  LI, 
1879,  p.  281;  Studniczka,  Oest.  JahresTiefte,  Vol.  VI, 
1903,  p.  142. 

Illustrated:  Ritschl,  Pris.  Lat.  Mon.  Epig.,  56  F; 
Oest.  Jahreshefte,  1.  c.,  fig.  9. 

Peperino.  Height,  1.25  m. ; breadth  and  depth,  .95 
m.  Owing  to  extensive  restoration  these  measurements 
are  approximate  only. 

The  altar  was  found  at  Bovillae  in  1826.  Its  general 
form  is  similar  to  that  of  the  Altar  of  Verminus'^  and  the 
Altar  of  Calvinus.®  Some  differences  may,  however,  be 
noted.  The  front  face  of  the  upper  plinth,  on  which  the 
inscription  is  cut,  projects  sharply  from  the  section  below, 
whereas  in  the  other  two  altars  there  is  no  such  projection. 
A more  important  difference  is  that  the  upper  of  the  two 

* Class  I,  2. 

'Studniczka  (Oest.  Jahreshefte,  1903,  p.  142)  identifies  the  dedi- 
cator of  the  altar  with  an  A.  Postumius  Albinus,  who  was  consul  in 
151  B.  C.,  but  as  Hiilsen  has  pointed  out  (CIL,  VI,  31057;  LM,  Vol. 
XX,  1905,  p.  41)  the  forms  of  the  letters  and  of  the  words  belong 
rather  to  the  time  of  Sulla. 

'It  appears  to  be  connected  with  vermis,  verminatio.  (CIL,  1.  e.) 
’ Class  I,  1. 

* Class  I,  3. 


12 


KOMAN  SACEIFICIAL  ALTAES 


sections  with  curving  outline  is  considerably  wider  and 
deeper  than  the  lower  of  these  sections.  In  the  other 
altars  of  this  type  the  middle  sections  are  of  the  same  size. 
Ho  torus  mouldings  occur  on  this  altar,  as  on  the  other 
two.  The  style  of  the  letters  points  to  the  first  century  B.  C. 

3.  Altar  of  Calvinus. 

Southwest  slope  of  the  Palatine. 

CIL,  I,  632  = VI,  30694 ; IL8, 4015  ; Lanciani,  BM, 
Vol.  IX,  1894,  p.  33;  Richter,  Topographic,  p.  142; 
Marucchi,  Le  Forum  Romain  ei  le  Palatin,  pp.  310  ff. ; 
Studniczka,  Oest.  Jahreshefte,  Vol.  VI,  1903,  p.  142; 
Plainer,  Ancient  Rome^,  p.  140  f. 

Illustrated:  Photo.  Alinari,  28692;  Marucchi,  op. 
cit.,  p.  311;  Blinkenherg,  Archdologische  Studien,  p. 
124. 

Travertine.  Height,  at  center,  1.06  m. ; breadth,  .82 
m. ; depth,  .665  m. 

The  altar  was  discovered  in  the  early  part  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,^  but  nothing  is  known  of  the  circumstances 
of  its  finding.  The  fact  that  it  now  stands  12  m.  above 
the  ancient  leveP”  is  sufficient  proof  that  it  is  not  in  situ. 
A quadrangular  section,  finished  by  a torus  moulding, 
forms  the  base,  above  which  the  outline  is  carried  inward 
in  a bold  curve.  The  breadth  and  depth  at  this  point  are 
reduced  to  nearly  half  of  the  measures  of  the  base.  Above 
the  narrowed  portion  comes  a section  whose  outward  curv- 
ing outline  brings  the  altar  back  to  its  first  dimensions. 
This  is  followed  by  a torus  and  a quadrangular  plinth,  on 
the  front  face  of  which  is  cut  the  inscription : 

•Lanciani,  BM,  Vol.  IX,  1894,  p.  33,  says  it  was  discovered  in 
1820;  Marucchi,  Le  Forum  Bomain  ei  le  Palatin,  p.  310,  gives  1829. 

“Lanciani,  1.  c. 


■ ■-  f f 

MO'i/ 


*'*"i“''^^'.*’'l  l‘llll|l]T||  yi  i,  t 


ALTAR  OF  CALVINUS.  No.  3. 


CATAXOGtJE 


13 


SEI . DEO . SEI . DEIVAE  . SAC 
C . SEXTIUS  . C . F . CALVINUS  ■ PE 
DE  . SENATI  SENTENTIA 
EESTITUIT 

The  uppeimost  member  is  formed  by  two  pulvini,  between 
which  the  upper  surface,  slightly  set  back  from  the  edge 
of  the  plinth,  runs  in  a gentle  concave  curve.  The  pulvini 
are  ornamented  with  scales  and  bound  about  the  middle 
with  a broad  band  or  balteus,  while  the  circular  ends  are 
worked  in  a floral  form  with  a prominent  pistil. 

Attempts  have  been  made^^  to  show  that  this  altar  is 
identical  with  the  one  erected  by  the  Romans  to  Aius 
Locutius,  in  commemoration  of  the  warning  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Gauls  given  them  by  a mysterious  voice,^^ 
but  this  view  is  no  longer  held.^^  It  seems  much  more 
probable  that  it  was  erected  to  some  local  divinity. 

On  grounds  of  style  the  altar  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the 

“Nibby,  Analisi,  I,  321,  followed  by  Mommsen,  CIL,  I,  632. 

“Cicero,  De  Bivin.,  I,  45;  Varro,  ap.  Cell.,  XVI,  17;  Livy,  V,  32. 

“ HiUsen,  CIL,  VI,  30694;  Marueehi,  op,  dt.,  p.  312;  Plainer,  op. 
cit.,  p.  141;  Pascal,  BC,  Vol.  XXII,  1894,  pp.  188  ff.  Topographical 
considerations  are  against  the  view  of  Nibby  and  Mommsen,  since  the 
voice  was  heard  near  the  Via  Nova  and  the  sacred  grove  of  Vesta,  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  hill.  The  fact  that  the  altar  was  not  found 
in  situ  furnishes  some  negative  evidence  for  this  view,  though  this 
in  itself  is  of  small  importance.  Furthermore,  as  Pascal  pointed  out 
(op.  cit.),  it  seems  strange  that  the  name  Aius  Locutius  does  not 
appear  on  the  altar,  if  it  was  dedicated  to  him,  since  the  name  of  that 
divinity  was  well  knovra.  Pascal  drew  attention  to  a passage  of 
Dionysius  (AE,  I,  32)  which  states  that  in  ancient  times  there  were 
near  the  Lupercal  (in  the  general  region  of  which  this  altar  was 
found)  a grove  and  an  altar  sacred  to  Pan.  The  formula  used  in 
clearing  a grove  was  “ si  deus,  si  dea  es  quoium  illud  sacrum  est.” 
(Cato,  Be  Agr.,  139.)  It  seems  reasonable  then  to  connect  the  altar 
of  Calvinus  with  the  local  genius  of  this  lucus.  Visconti  and  Lan- 
ciani,  Guida  del  Pdlatino,  p.  76,  suggest  that  the  altar  was  dedicated 
either  to  some  local  genius  of  this  part  of  the  hill,  or  to  the  genius 
of  Eome. 


14 


KOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


Republican  period.^  ^ A C.  Sextius  Calvinus  was  consul 
in  124  B.  C.,  and  it  was  probably  a son  of  his  by  the  same 
name  who  was  a candidate  for  the  praetorship  in  100 
B.  Cd®  The  Calvinus  of  the  inscription  is  probably  to  be 
identified  with  the  praetor/®  in  which  case  the  altar  would 
date  approximately  from  the  time  of  Sulla.  An  original 
inscription  of  this  date  would  not  use  the  form  deivae,  so 
it  seems  clear  that  the  Sullan  inscription  is  a copy  of  one 
of  a much  earlier  period.  It  is  reasonable  to  assume  also 
that  the  altar  itself  is  a reproduction  of  the  earlier  one. 
We  have  then  a third  example  of  the  Republican  Roman 
altar,  with  a date  more  or  less  closely  defined. 

Class  II,  A 

4.  Altar  of  Isis. 

Museo  Hazionale. 

CIL,  VI,  30915;  IL8,  4370;  NS,  Ser.  4»,  Vol.  VI, 
1888,  p.  626;  BC,  Vol.  XVII,  1889,  p.  37;  Jordan, 
Topographic,  I,  3,  p.  305,  n.  50. 

Marble.  Height,  .87  m. ; breadth,  .38  m. ; depth, 
.26  m. 

The  altar  was  found  in  1888,  in  the  construction  of  a 
sewer  on  the  Via  Labicana,  near  the  Baths  of  Titus.  It  is 
known  that  there  was  in  this  locality  a Temple  of  Isis  and 
Serapis,^’^  from  which  the  Region  took  its  name.  The 
altar  is  probably  to  be  connected  with  some  shrine  or  chapel 
within  the  area  of  the  temple.  It  has  a moulded  base, 
cornice  and  sides,  and  the  top  is  flanked  by  plain  pulvini. 

In  general  appearance  it  recalls  the  sarcophagus  of  L.  Cornelius 
Scipio  Barbatus  in  the  Vatican. 

VI,  132;  Cicero,  Brut.,  XXXIV,  130;  Be  Orat.,  II,  61,  249. 

Mommsen,  CIL,  1.  c. 

” Jordan,  Topographic,  1,  3,  pp.  304-305,  and  Arim.  48 ; Plainer, 
Ancient  Eome,^  p.  449,  and  note  7. 


CATALOGUE 


15 


A patera  is  represented  in  relief  on  the  right  face ; the  left 
is  plain.  In  the  top,  between  the  pulvini,  is  a shallow 
round  depression.^® 

5.  Altar  of  the  Lares  Curiales. 

Museo  Hazionale. 

NS,  Ser.  V,  Vol.  IV,  1907,  p.  465  ; BC,  Vol.  XXXVI, 
1908,  p.  42. 

Illustrated:  NS,  1907,  p.  466,  fig.  39;  BC,  1908, 
Tav.  IV. 

Tufa,  of  a lighter  and  more  friable  variety  than  that 
of  the  altars  of  the  Lares  Viales  and  Lares  Semitales, 
which  were  found  with  it.  Height,  1.30  m. ; breadth, 
.65  m. ; depth,  .65  m. 

This  altar,  together  with  the  two  following,  was  found  in 
1907,  on  the  Via  Portuense,  1.70  m.  below  the  present 
level.  The  three  altars  were  placed  in  a row,  .50  m.  apart; 
their  front  faces  were  towards  the  road,  which  was  a little 
more  than  2 m.  distant. 

The  base  and  cornice  are  perfectly  plain.  The  top  is 
flat,  flanked  by  simple  pulvini  of  moderate  size,  whose 
outer  surface,  in  section,  is  not  curved,  but  continues  the 
vertical  line  of  the  cornice.  As  a result,  the  pulvini  are 

“ The  inscription  is  as  follows : 

ISIDI  . LYDIAE 
EDUCATEICI 
VALYAS . CUM 
ANUBI  ET  AEA 
MUCIANUS  AUG 
LIB  . PEOC 

It  is  interesting  as  presenting  two  epithets  of  Isis  previously  un- 
'mown — Lydia  and  educatrix.  The  first  appears  to  be  taken  from 
^sia  Minor,  and  may  refer  to  the  particular  form  of  the  Isis  cult  con- 
lected  with  this  shrine.  Educatrix  probably  refers  to  the  functions 
)f  Isis  as  guardian  and  nurse  of  the  infant  Horus.  (Cf.  BC,  Vol. 
IVII,  1889,  p.  37.) 


16 


KOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


not  SO  sharply  differentiated  from  the  rest  of  the  altar  as 
in  most  cases.  The  general  form  of  the  altar  is  quite 
similar  to  that  of  the  other  two,  but  the  base  and  pulvini 
are  higher.  The  form  of  the  letters  also  is  somewhat  dif- 
ferent, pointing  to  an  earlier  date.  It  has  been  suggested^® 
that  this  altar  was  the  first  of  the  three  to  be  erected  and 
stood  alone  for  a time,  and  that  later  the  other  two  were 
set  up  beside  it.^® 

6.  Altar  of  the  Lares  Semitales. 

Museo  Nazionale. 

For  references  cf.  no.  5. 

Tufa.  Height,  1.30  m. ; breadth,  .68  m. ; depth,  .65  m. 

In  form  this  altar  practically  reproduces  that  of  the 
Lares  Curiales  (no.  5), 

7.  Altar  of  the  Lares  Yiales. 

Museo  Hazionale. 

For  references  cf.  no.  5. 

Tufa.  Height,  1.30  m. ; breadth,  .68  m. ; depth,  .65  m. 

Similar  in  form  to  the  two  preceding. 

8.  Altar  of  Silvanus. 

Museo  Hazionale.  Court. 

Marble.  Height,  .845  m. ; breadth,  .495  m. ; depth, 

.285  m. 

“ Gatti,  BC,  1.  c. 

The  first  letters  of  the  second  word  of  the  inscription  are  now 
illegible,  but  there  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that  it  is  to  be  restored 
as  CURIALES.  Eurales  naturally  suggested  itself,  as  this  name  for 
a vicu3  of  the  Fourteenth  Region  is  known  from  CIL,  VI,  975,  right 
side.  III,  1,  but  there  is  space  for  more  than  one  letter  between  the 
R and  the  L.  If  the  reading  curiales  is  correct,  we  have  here  a new 
epithet  for  the  Lares.  It  is  undoubtedly  derived  from  curia,  and 
may,  as  Gatti  suggests  {BC,  1.  c.),  preserve  the  memory  of  one  of 
the  ancient  curiae. 


ALTAR  OF  SILVANUS.  No.  9. 


CATALOGUE 


17 


The  base  and  comice  are  elaborately  moulded,  and  sim- 
pler mouldings  frame  the  different  faces.  The  middle  of 
the  front  face  is  occupied  by  a recessed  panel,  in  which  is 
a full-length  figure  of  Silvanus.  He  stands  full  front, 
nude,  except  for  a short  cloak  fastened  on  the  right  shoulder, 
and  high  boots.  He  holds  a pmning  knife  in  his  right 
hand,  and  his  left  hand  grasps  the  corner  of  his  cloak,  in 
the  folds  of  which  various  fruits  and  a pine  cone  are  seen. 
At  his  right  is  a dog  looking  up  at  him ; a pine  tree  with 
cones  is  at  his  left  hand. 

The  top  is  flanked  by  plain  round  pulvini,  which  are  not 
sharply  differentiated  from  the  rest  of  the  altar.  The  flat 
upper  surface  is  slightly  higher  than  the  pulvini. 

9.  Altar  of  Silvanus. 

Museo  Hazionale.  Sala  XVIII. 

CIL,  XIV,  51 ; NS,  Ser.  3®,  Vol.  VII,  1881,  pp.  195- 
196 ; Helbig,  Filhrer,  II,  pp.  206-207 ; Strong,  Roman 
Sculpture,  pp.  241-243. 

Illustrated : NS,  April,  1881,  Tav.  II ; Strong,  op. 
cit..  Pis.  LXXIII-LXXIV ; Photo.  Anderson,  2471- 
2473;  Photo.  Moscioni,  9117,  9118A. 

Carrara  marble.  Height,  including  the  pulvini,  1.095 
m. ; depth  and  breadth,  at  the  comice,  .945  m. ; below 
the  comice,  .63  m. 

The  altar  was  found  at  Ostia  in  the  spring  of  1881,  in 
a portico  behind  the  theater.  It  shows  great  richness  and 
variety  in  the  sculptured  scenes  which  adorn  the  four  faces, 
and  in  the  conventional  ornamentation  and  mouldings. 
The  base  is  formed  by  a quadrangular  plinth,  .07  m.  high, 
which  bears  part  of  the  inscription.  The  profile  of  the 
altar  is  set  back  several  centimeters  from  the  edge  of  this 
plinth,  which  is  followed  by  a second  narrower  plinth. 


18 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


Above  this  are  an  astragal,  and  a broad  cyma  reversa  deco- 
rated with  a floral  design  suggestive  of  the  leaf  and  dart 
motive  so  common  in  Ionic  architecture.^^  The  cornice  is 
composed  of  three  mouldings — a cyma  recta,  adorned  with 
flnely  wrought  leaves,  between  whose  tips  more  slender 
leaves  are  seen ; below  a narrow  flllet  a platband  with  boldly 
projecting  dentils,  and  lastly  a cyma  reversa  with  a leaf 
pattern  similar  to  that  of  the  base,  but  less  elaborate.  The 
angles  of  the  different  cymae  are  adorned  with  graceful  and 
delicately  wrought  acanthus  leaves. 

The  pulvini  are  covered  with  laurel  leaves,  arranged  in 
a pattern  resembling  scales.  They  contract  slightly  at  the 
middle,  where  they  are  bound  by  a braided  balteus.  Their 
ends  are  elaborately  worked  in  a floral  design,  with  parts 
in  fives.  In  the  center  of  the  flat  upper  surface  of  the 
altar  is  an  irregular  hole,  varying  in  depth  from  .055  m. 
to  .12  m. 

The  sculptured  scenes  of  the  altar  have  been  too  fre- 
quently described  to  require  more  than  a brief  mention. 
The  angles  below  the  cornice  are  occupied  by  boldly 
wrought  rams’  heads,  from  whose  horns  depend  fillets  and 
heavy  garlands  of  fruit  bound  with  fluttering  ribbons. 
The  lower  angles  seem  to  have  been  occupied  by  sphinxes 
or  other  fantastic  animals,  of  which  but  scanty  traces  are 
now  left.  Their  almost  complete  disappearance  suggests 
that  they  were  wrought  from  separate  pieces  of  marble.^® 
The  front  of  the  altar  has  a scene  representing  the  court- 
ship of  Mars  and  Venus,  while  the  back  has  a charming 
version  of  the  birth  of  Romulus  and  Remus.  On  the  sides 
amorini  are  mischievously  busy  with  the  arms  and  chariot 
of  Mars. 

“ Cf.  Marquand,  GreeTc  Architecture,  fig.  183. 

” For  a better  preserved  example  of  this  motive,  cf.  an  altar  in 
the  Ludovisi  Collection,  Museo  Nazionale.  Illustrated:  Altmann, 
Bom.  Grdbaltdre,  fig.  69. 


ALTAR  OF  SILVANUS,  No.  8. 


ALTAR  OF  THE  LARES  AUGUSTI.  No.  14. 


ALTAR  OF  THE  LARES  AUGUSTI.  No.  70. 


ALTAR  OF  VICTORIA  AUGUSTA.  No.  10. 


CATALOGUE 


19 


The  inscription  on  the  plinth  enables  us  to  ascribe  the 
altar  to  the  year  124  A.  D. 

10.  Altar  of  Victoria  Augusta. 

Museo  Nazionale,  Court,  30355  bis. 

A quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base  and 
cornice  of  several  members.  The  faces  are  slightly  con- 
cave between  flat  mouldings  at  the  corners.  Height,  .84 
m. ; breadth,  .45  m. ; depth,  .435  m. 

On  the  front  face,  surrounding  the  dedication,  is  a laurel 
wreath,  tied  with  ribbons.  On  the  sides  are  smaller,  lighter 
wreaths,  through  which  palm  branches  pass.  On  the  back 
are  a patera  and  an  urceus.  The  top  is  flat,  vrith  pulvini 
at  the  sides,  adorned  with  large  leaves  with  crinkly  mar- 
gins. There  is  a decided  contraction  at  the  middle  of  the 
pulvini.  The  ends,  now  much  broken,  seem  to  have  been 
worked  in  rosettes.  Across  the  front,  between  the  pulvini, 
is  a conventional  spiral  design. 

11.  Altar  of  Mater  Deum. 

Museo  Capitolino. 

OIL,  VI,  492 ; ILS,  4096  ; Preller- Jordan,  Romische 
Mytliologie,  II,  p.  58,  anm.  1;  Roscher,  Lexicon,  II,  p. 
481;  Philologus,  Vol.  LII,  1899,  pp.  581-582;  Helbig, 
Fuhrer,  I,  pp.  291—292. 

Illustrated:  Baumeister,  DenJcmdler,  fig.  864;  D8, 
fig.  2243. 

Marble.  Height,  (at  center),  .815  m. ; breadth,  .52 
m. ; depth,  .45  m. 

The  altar  was  found  during  the  pontificate  of  Clement 
XI  (1700—1721)  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber  at  the  foot  of 
the  Aventine.^®  The  base,  cornice  and  sides  of  the  various 
was  at  first  taken  to  the  Vatican;  later,  under  Clement  XIII 
(1758-1765),  it  was  transferred  to  the  Capitoline. 


20 


EOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


faces  are  simply  moulded.  The  top  is  furnished  with  plain 
pulvini,  which  are  not  sharply  differentiated  from  the  rest 
of  the  altar.  On  the  front  is  represented  in  low  relief  the 
well-known  legend  of  the  bringing  of  the  image  of  Magna 
Mater  to  Rome  in  204  B.  C.,  and  the  part  played  in  its 
reception  by  the  Vestal  Claudia  Quinta.^^  A seated 
figure  of  the  goddess  is  placed  on  the  deck  of  a ship,  which 
a woman,  characterized  as  a Vestal  by  the  suffihulum  over 
her  head,  is  drawing  to  the  shore.^®  On  the  right  face  is  a 
lituus,  on  the  left  a pileus. 

12.  Altar  of  8ol  Sanctissimus. 

Museo  Capitolino. 

CIL,  VI,  710;  ILS,  4337 ; Strong,  Roman  Sculpture, 
p.  312. 

Illustrated : Strong,  op.  cit.,  PI.  XCVI. 

Marble.  Height,  .85  m. ; breadth  and  depth,  .45  m. 

Ovid,  Fasti,  IV,  247  ff. 

® The  inscription 

MATRI  . DEUM  . ET  NAVISALVIAE 
SALVIAE  VOTO  SUSCEPTO 
CLAUDIA  SYNTYCHE 

D.  D. 

has  given  rise  to  considerable  discussion.  It  is  uncertain  whether 
NAVISALVIAE  is  to  be  read  as  one  word  or  two.  If  it  is  one  word, 
it  must  be  regarded  as  referring  to  the  Vestal  Claudia  Quinta,  who 
would  then  be  honored  side  by  side  with  the  mother  of  the  gods, — a 
canonization  for  which  there  is  as  yet  no  parallel.  It  seems  more 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  Salvia  was  the  name  of  the  ship.  A tri- 
reme of  this  name  is  mentioned  several  times  as  belonging  to  the 
praetorian  fleet  of  Misenum.  (Cf.  Eerrero,  L’  Ordinamento  delle 
Armate  Romane,  p.  29.)  This  view  is  supported  by  Orelli  (1905), 
Helbig,  Henzen  and  Bloch  (Philologus,  1.  c.).  In  this  case  the  repe- 
tition of  the  word  Salviae  in  the  second  line  would  probably  be  due 
to  a mistake  of  the  stone-cutter,  though  Bloch  suggests  that  the  Greek 
freedwoman  Claudia  Syntyche,  as  a result  of  her  limited  knowledge 
of  Latin,  used  it  in  the  sense  of  pro  salute.  (For  the  epithet  Salvia 
applied  to  Proserpina  cf.  Am.  Journ.  of  Philology,  1912,  supp.  pp. 
17,  18  et  passim.) 


CATALOGUE 


21 


Simple  mouldings  form  the  base  and  cornice.  The  lower 
part  of  the  front  face,  above  the  base,  is  occupied  by  the 
inscription,  which  is  framed  by  a moulding.  Between  the 
inscription  and  cornice  the  background  is  sunk,  and  a flat 
plain  moulding  surrounds  the  field  thus  formed.  On  the 
ledge  made  by  the  recessing  of  the  background  stands  an 
eagle  with  partly  opened  wings,  recalling  the  Hadrianic 
eagle  in  the  porch  of  the  S8.  Apostoli.^^  He  bears  on  his 
wings  a bust  of  the  youthful  sungod,  whose  radiate  hair  is 
surrounded  by  an  aureole.  The  boy  wears  a chlamys,  fas- 
tened on  the  right  shoulder  by  a round  brooch.  The  whole 
composition  has  a simplicity  and  sweet  gravity  that  render 
it  very  attractive. 

On  the  right  face  is  the  bust  of  a veiled  priest,  who  holds 
a sickle.  A quadriga  drawn  by  winged  horses  occupies 
the  left  face.  The  charioteer,  who  is  just  stepping  into 
the  chariot,  is  being  crowned  by  Victory.  On  the  back  is 
a cypress,  in  the  midst  of  which  appears  a head. 

The  top  has  small  pulvini  at  the  sides,  which  are  hound 
about  the  middle.  The  ends  of  the  pulvini  are  worked  in 
five-petaled  rosettes,  between  which  the  front  rises  in  a 
gentle  curve.  A wreath  tied  by  fluttering  ribbons  fills  the 
central  space  of  the  front,  and  between  the  ribbons  and  the 
rosettes  are  palmettes  of  the  “spreading”^'  type*  The 
upper  surface  has  a square  shallow  depression. 

13.  Altar  of  Bona  Dea. 

Palazzo  dei  Conservator!. 

OIL,  VI,  30855. 

Quadrangular  marble  altar.  Height,  including  top, 

1.05  m. ; breadth,  .50  m. ; depth,  .39  m. 

“Illustrated:  Strong,  Boman  Sculpture,  PI.  LXIX. 

”Cf.  Riegl,  Stilfragen,  p.  210  and  fig.  110.  The  terms  “spread- 
ing” and  “drooping”  have  been  used  to  translate  Eiegl’s  “ ge- 
sprengt”  and  “ iiberf allend.” 


22 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


The  base,  cornice  and  sides  are  simply  moulded.  The 
upper  surface  has  a quadrangular  depression  in  the  middle 
and  is  flanked  by  plain  pulvmi,  which  contract  at  the 
middle,  and  grow  smaller  again  just  before  reaching  the 
end.^®  The  ends  of  the  pulvini  are  not  sharply  differ- 
entiated from  the  front,  but  are  covered  by  part  of  the 
general  design,  which  consists  of  spirals  ending  in  rosettes. 
The  angles  are  filled  with  palmettos.^®  On  the  right  face 
a patera  is  represented,  on  the  left  an  urceus. 

14.  Altar  of  the  Lares  Augusti. 

Palazzo  dei  Conservator!. 

CIL,  VI,  30957;  IL8,  3615;  N8,  Ser.  4“,  Vol.  IV, 
1888,  p.  498 ; BC,  Vol.  XVI,  1888,  pp.  327,  379 ; Vol. 
XVII,  1889,  pp.  69-72 ; BM,  Vol.  IV,  1889,  pp.  265  ff. ; 
Strong,  Roman  8culpture,  pp.  73,  74;  Altmann,  Rom. 
Grahaltdre,  no.  232. 

Illustrated:  Photo.  Moscioni,  10465;  BCj  1889,  Tav. 
Ill ; Roscher,  Lexicon,  II,  p.  1895 ; RM,  1889,  pp.  266, 
267  ; Strong,  op.  cit..  Pis.  XXIII  and  XXIV ; Altmann, 
op.  cit.,  figs.  141  and  141®. 

Marble.  Height,  1.05  m. ; breadth  and  depth,  .54  m. 
Three  of  the  upper  comers  are  restored,  but  the  restora- 
tion has  been  made  on  the  basis  of  what  remains  and  is 
therefore  perfectly  certain. 

The  altar  was  found  in  1888,  on  the  Via  Arenula,  8 m. 
below  the  present  level  of  the  street.  It  stood  on  a founda- 
tion of  two  courses  of  travertine  blocks,  on  which  the  part 
of  the  inscription  giving  the  name  of  the  vicus  was  cut. 

The  base  is  formed  of  three  mouldings ; the  central  one 
is  worked  in  scales,  and  the  topmost  one  is  decorated  with 

“ For  an  illustration  of  this  form  of  pulvinus  cf.  Altmann,  Rom. 
Grabaltdre,  fig.  94. 

“ For  this  scheme  of  decoration  cf.  Altmann,  op.  cit.,  figs.  62  and  63, 


CATALOGUE 


23 


a leaf  pattern  that  recalls  that  of  the  lowest  moulding  of 
the  cornice  of  the  Silvanus  altar  from  Ostia  (no.  9).  The 
various  faces  are  framed  by  two  flat  mouldings.  The  cor- 
nice is  composed  of  a cyma  recta  with  a rich  leaf  pattern 
and  a platband  with  dentils.  The  top  is  flanked  by  pulvini 
whose  diameter  is  the  same  throughout.  The  scheme  of 
decoration  is  different  from  anything  heretofore  noticed. 
They  are  bound  about  the  middle  with  two  broad  braided 
bands,  which  are  followed  on  either  side  by  a section  aboxit 
a quarter  of  the  length  of  the  whole  pulvmus  covered  with 
a scale  pattern.  The  concluding  sections  are  channeled  in 
the  manner  of  an  Ionic  column.  The  front  ends  of  the 
pulvini  are  not  differentiated,  but  the  design  runs  across 
the  entire  width  of  the  altar.  This  design  consists  of  broad 
spirals  or  volutes,  with  small  four-petaled  rosettes  in  the 
oculi  and  half  palmettes  of  the  “ spreading  ” type  in  the 
angles.  The  top  has  a small  square  depression. 

On  the  front  face  is  represented  the  sacrifice  of  the  four 
vicomagistri  who  dedicated  the  altar.  They  wear  togas, 
and  are  veiled  for  sacrifice.  They  are  grouped  about  a 
plain  square  fiat-topped  altar,  two  on  the  right  side  and  two 
on  the  left.  Their  right  arms  are  extended  over  the  altar, 
and  the  foremost  man  on  the  left  seems  to  be  making  a liba- 
tion with  a patera.  At  the  left  two  victimarii  are  bringing 
in  the  victims,  a pig  for  the  Lares,  a bull  for  the  Genius 
Augusti.  In  the  rear,  at  the  extreme  left,  is  a third  at- 
tendant with  a bundle  of  rods,  while  behind  the  altar  a 
tihicen  is  playing  on  a double  flute.  On  each  of  the  side 
faces  a Lar  is  represented,  standing  on  a small  square 
pedestal,  which  suggests  that  the  type  was  taken  over  from 
some  work  in  the  round.  They  wear  the  usual  short  flut- 
tering tunic,  girded  with  a broad  sash  with  pointed  ends. 
They  carry  laurel  branches  in  their  right  hands.  The 
object  in  the  left  hands  has  been  destroyed,  but  on  the 


24 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


analogy  of  similar  representations  it  is  probably  to  be 
restored  as  a rhyton.^^  On  the  back  was  a corona  civica, 
of  which  only  the  ribbons  are  left. 

The  altar  was  dedicated  to  the  Lares  Augusti  by  four 
magistri  of  the  vicus  Aescleti^^  in  the  ninth  year  after  the 
revival  of  the  cult  of  the  Lares  by  Augustus.®^  The  orders 
of  Augustus  were  completely  carried  out  in  the  city  in  the 
year  7 B.  C.,^^  so  this  altar,  erected  in  the  ninth  year  of 
the  restored  cult,  dates  from  2 A. 

15.  Altar  of  Cains  Manlius. 

Museo  Laterano. 

CIL,  XI,  3616;  Annali,  Vol.  XXX,  1858,  pp.  5-17 ; 

Vol.  XXXIV,  1862,  p.  309  ; Bulletino,  1859,  pji.  172  ff. ; 

Benndorf-Schone,  Die  Antihen  Bildwerhe  d.  Lat.  Mu- 
seums, no.  216;  Altmann,  Rom.  Grahaltdre,  no.  235; 

Helbig,  FuJirer,  I,  p.  454,  no.  681. 

Cf.  for  example,  the  altar  of  C.  Manlius,  no.  15. 

The  name  of  this  vicus  is  otherwise  unknown.  Gatti  (BC,  Vol. 
XVI,  1888,  pp  379  ff.)  suggests  that  Aescleti  is  contracted  from 
Aesculeti,  and  that  the  vicus  may  have  been  so  named  from  its  near- 
ness to  an  aesculetum  or  oakgrove.  (Cf.  Varro,  L.  L.,  V,  152,  and 
Pliny,  N.  H.,  XVI,  37.) 

“Cf.  Cassius  Dio,  LV,  8;  Pliny,  N.  H.,  Ill,  66  Suetonius,  Aug., 
XXX ; Marquardt,  Bom.  Staatsverwaltung,  III,  pp.  204  ff. ; Momm- 
sen, Bom.  Staatsrecht,  I,  p.  328;  p.  391,  anm.  5. 

“ Cf.  Henzen  on  CIL,  VI,  454. 

**  Only  two  other  altars  dedicated  to  the  Lares  Augusti  by  vico- 
magistri  are  known — one  in  the  Vatican,  Sala  delle  Muse,  CIL,  VI, 
445,  the  other  in  the  Uffizi,  CIL,  VI,  448.  They  are  adorned  with 
sculptured  scenes  similar  to  those  of  the  altar  in  the  Conservatori, 
except  that  in  the  first  case  the  genius  of  Augustus  is  represented,  in 
the  second  Augustus  with  his  wife  and  son.  To  quote  the  words  of 
Gatti,  BC,  Vol.  XVII,  1889,  pp.  69  ff.;  “These  two  altars  show  the 
connection  between  the  public  cult  of  the  Lares  and  that  of  Augustus, 
bearing  as  they  do  a personification  of  the  genius  of  the  family  of 
the  Caesars,  or  the  images  of  Augustus,  his  wife  and  his  son.  The 
Ara  Aescleti  indicates  this  connection  in  cult  solely  by  the  scene  of 
sacrifice,  where  the  two  animals  are  the  proper  victims  for  sacrifice 
to  the  genius  of  the  Emperor  and  in  honor  of  the  Lares.” 


ALTAR  OF  CAIUS  MANLIUS.  No.  15. 


/r~ 


CATALOGUE 


25 


Illustrated:  Mon.  delV  Inst.,  VoL  VI,  1858,  Tav. 

XIII ; Altmann,  op.  cit.,  figs.  143  and  143“. 

Marble.  Height,  .90  m. ; breadth,  .65  m. ; depth,  .50  m. 

The  altar  was  found  in  1846  at  Cerveteri.  The  base  and 
cornice  are  composed  of  simple  unadorned  mouldings,  and 
narrow  mouldings  frame  the  different  faces,  which  are 
slightly  sunk.  A scene  of  sacrifice  is  represented  on  the 
front  face.  Below  the  comice  at  right  and  left  are  bou- 
erania  in  low  relief,  between  which  is  suspended  a garland 
of  olive  leaves.  The  sacrificial  scene  below  falls  into  two 
groups.  At  the  right  is  a small  quadrangular  altar  with 
moulded  base  and  cornice,  piled  with  fruit.  Wreaths  are 
suspended  from  the  boucrania  at  the  corners,  and  in  the 
spaces  above  the  wreaths  are  small  paterae.  At  the  right 
stands  the  priest,  clad  in  tunic  and  toga,  one  fold  of  which 
is  drawn  up  over  his  head  in  the  usual  manner.  He  is 
pouring  a libation  upon  the  altar  from  a small  patera  held 
in  his  right  hand.  Directly  behind  the  altar  stands  the 
camillus  clad  in  a short-sleeved  tunic.  A fringed  m-appa 
is  thrown  over  his  left  shoulder,  and  in  his  right  hand  is 
the  urceus,  from  which  he  has  filled  the  priest’s  patera.  At 
his  right  is  the  tibicen  playing  upon  the  double  flute.  The 
head  and  shoulders  of  a fourth  figure  are  faintly  indicated 
in  the  background,  between  the  priest  and  the  camillus. 
According  to  Henzen,®®  this  is  the  praeco,  according  to 
Garucci,®®  the  monitor  or  praecentor.  At  the  left  of  the 
altar  two  kneeling,  half-nude  victimarii  are  holding  the 
head  of  the  bull  in  position  to  receive  the  fatal  blow  about 
to  be  delivered  by  the  popa  at  the  extreme  left.  Behind 
the  bull  is  a second  popa,  bearing  a malleus  on  his  right 
shoulder,  and  holding  a flat  dish  of  fruit  or  cakes  in  his 

^ Annali,  Vol.  XXX,  1858,  p.  11. 

Monumenti  del  Museo  Lateranense,  pp.  27-29. 


3 


26 


EOMAN  SACBIFICIAL  ALTARS 


upraised  left  hand.  The  execution  is  poor,  but  the  whole 
scene  is  one  of  exceptional  interest  for  the  ritual  of  sacrifice. 

The  sides  are  occupied  by  figures  of  Lares  which  in  gen- 
eral conception  and  pose  recall  those  of  the  altar  of  the 
Vicomagistri  (no.  14).  Here,  however,  the  figure  is  placed 
between  two  small  laurel  bushes ; the  rhyton  on  one  side  is 
in  the  upraised  right  hand,  on  the  other  in  the  left,  while 
the  other  hand  holds  a small  patera. 

The  back  is  occupied  by  a scene  that  has  not  yet  been 
satisfactorily  explained.  In  the  middle  is  the  figure  of  a 
woman,  apparently  a goddess,  seated  on  a throne  which  is 
placed  on  a high  rock  basis.  The  throne  has  an  elaborately 
wrought  back,  and  is  furnished  with  a footstool.  The  god- 
dess is  clad  in  a stola  and  a palla,  which  is  drawn  up  over 
her  head.  The  outstretched  right  hand  holds  a patera, 
and  her  left  arm  supports  a large  cornucopia.  At  her  right 
is  a group  of  three  women,  whose  dress  is  the  same  as  hers. 
The  one  nearest  to  her  lays  her  right  hand  upon  her  knee, 
apparently  in  supplication,  while  the  other  two  have  their 
hands  upraised,  as  if  in  entreaty.  At  the  left  of  the  god- 
dess are  three  men,  clad  in  tunic  and  toga.  The  one  in 
the  middle  is  grasping  his  neighbor  to  the  right  by  the 
throat,  as  if  to  threaten  him,  while  the  man  nearest  the 
throne  looks  with  interest  at  this  scene.^'^ 

The  top  is  flanked  by  pulvini  which  vary  but  little  in 

” This  scene  has  been  variously  interpreted.  Benndorf-Schone, 
Henzen  and  Helbig  see  in  the  goddess  a representation  of  Fortuna 
or  possibly  Salus  (Henzen),  to  whom  the  sacrificial  scene  on  the  front 
is  to  be  referred.  Cavedoni  suggests  (Bulletino,  1859,  pp.  173  ff.) 
that  the  goddess  is  Concordia  and  interprets  the  group  of  three  men 
as  a debtor  oppressed  by  a usurer,  with  a kindly  disposed  citizen, 
probably  Manlius,  trying  to  make  peace  between  them.  The  three 
women  would  represent  the  wives  of  oppressed  debtors  relieved  by 
Manlius.  This  interpretation  seems  too  fanciful  to  be  accepted,  and 
it  is  more  reasonable  to  explain  the  scene  as  some  phase  of  the  cult 
of  Fortune. 


CATALOGUE 


27 


diameter.  They  are  bound  about  the  middle  by  a triple 
halteus,  and  adorned  with  long  leaves  with  crinkled  edges. 
The  ends  are  worked  in  a coarse  rosette  form.  The  pulvini 
are  sharply  differentiated  from  the  rest  of  the  top,  which 
extends  in  a flat  surface  between  them. 

16.  Altar  of  Diana. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  ll^E. 

OIL,  XIV,  2212;  IL8,  3244;  Amelung,  Sc.  des  Yat. 

Mus.,  I,  p.  385. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base 
and  cornice.  A patera  is  represented  on  the  right  face, 
an  urceus  on  the  left.  The  top  has  small  pulvini  whose 
ends  are  worked  in  floral  forms.  The  upper  surface  be- 
tween the  pulvini  is  broken,  but  apparently  was  flat  origi- 
nally. It  has  a shallow  square  depression. 

Although  dedicated  to  Diana  Xemorensis  this  altar  need 
not  necessarily  have  come  from  Xemi,  as  altars  may  have 
been  erected  to  this  goddess  at  Rome  also. 

17.  Altar  of  Diana. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  123A. 

Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  p.  390. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  op.  cit.,  I,  Taf.  41. 

Fine-grained  yellowish  marble.  Height,  .79  m. ; 

breadth,  .505  m. ; depth,  .33  m. 

Simple  mouldings  form  the  base  and  frame  the  various 
faces.  The  cornice  projects  at  the  sides,  but  is  flat  in 
front.  Volutes,  meeting  and  fastened  at  the  middle  and 
ending  in  flowers  apparently  of  the  lily  family,  adorn  the 
front  face  above  the  upper  mouldings.  At  the  sides  are 

“I  was  not  allowed  to  take  measurements  in  the  Vatican.  In  eases 
where  dimensions  are  given,  they  have  been  taken  from  Amelung, 
Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus. 


28 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


small  pulvini,  not  sharply  differentiated  from  the  rest  of 
the  top,  whose  ends  are  worked  in  floral  forms. 

A rustic  shrine  is  represented  on  the  front  face.  On  a 
slight  rise  of  ground  is  a rock  altar,  against  which  rest  a 
quiver,  a bow  and  two  spears.  At  the  left  of  the  altar  is 
a female  figure  in  a long  garment,  holding  a torch  in  each 
upraised  hand.  Behind  the  altar  is  a tree.  The  right 
face  has  a representation  of  a deer  lying  on  the  ground 
under  a small  oak  tree,  facing  to  the  right.  On  the  left 
face  is  a large  hound,  seated  and  facing  to  the  right. 

The  work  is  of  the  first  century  A.  D. 

18.  Altar  of  Dispater  and  Hercules. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  269B. 

CIL,  VI,  139  ; Amelung,  8c.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  p.  489. 

Illustrated : Amelung,  op.  cit.,  I,  Taf.  50. 

A very  small  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base  and  cor- 
nice. At  the  sides  of  the  top  are  small  pulvini  of  the  same 
diameter  throughout.  They  are  decorated  with  a single 
row  of  long  pointed  leaves.  The  ends  of  the  pulvini  are 
finished  with  a plain  band,  so  the  leaves  do  not  extend  their 
entire  length.  A similar  band  passes  about  the  middle  of 
the  pulvini.  Between  the  pulvini  the  front  and  back  faces 
rise  in  a low  curve.  A shallow  quadrangular  depression  is 
thus  formed  in  the  top. 

19.  Altar  of  the  Genius  Horreorum. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  634A. 

CIL,  VI,  235  ; IL8,  3663 ; Euggiero,  Diz.  Epig.,  Ill, 

15,  p.  462 ; Amelung,  8c.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  p.  736. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  op.  cit.,  I,  Taf.  78. 

A medium  sized  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base,  cor- 
nice and  sides.  The  top  has  small  pulvini  at  the  sides,  which 


ALTAR  OF  THE  DIOSCURI.  No.  21 


CATALOGUE 


29 


contract  slightly  at  the  middle  and  taper  toward  the  end. 
They  are  decorated  with  long  slender  overlapping  leaves, 
and  are  bound  about  the  middle  with  a narrow  halteus. 
The  ends  are  worked  in  rosettes.  The  top  is  flat  at  pres- 
ent, though  its  appearance  suggests  that  it  may  have  been 
cut  off.  The  front  between  the  pulvini  is  adorned  with 
volutes  ending  at  the  middle  in  rosettes. 

The  altar  dates  from  the  year  75  A.  D. 

20.  Altwr  of  Hercules. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  292A. 

CIL,  VI,  262  = XIV,  3905;  Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat. 
Mus.,  I,  p.  504. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  op.  cit.,  I,  Taf.  51. 

Fine-grained  bluish  marble.  Height,  .48  m. ; breadth, 
.355  m. ; depth,  .28  m. 

The  base,  cornice  and  sides  are  simply  moulded.  The 
top  is  occupied  by  two  cushionlike  elevations,  running  from 
side  to  side  of  the  altar,  and  not  from  front  to  back,  like 
the  ordinary  pulvini.  On  the  right  face  is  a patera,  on  the 
left  an  urceus.  On  the  front  face  below  the  inscription  is 
a sunken  circle,  .14  m.  in  diameter,  in  the  midst  of  which 
is  a deep  round  hole.  This,  as  has  been  pointed  out,®®  can 
hardly  have  served  for  libation  purposes,  but  may  have 
been  due  to  the  use  of  the  altar  at  some  period  as  a fountain 
head. 

21.  Altar  of  the  Dioscuri. 

Forum.  Precinct  of  Juturna. 

RM,  Vol.  XV,  1900,  p.  343;  Vol.  XVII,  1902,  pp. 
68  ff. ; NS,  Ser.  V,  Vol.  VIII,  1900,  p.  292 ; Ser.  V, 
Vol.  IX,  1901,  pp.  94 ff.;  BC,  Vol.  XXXI,  1903,  p. 


Amelung,  1.  c. 


30 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


192,  n.  1;  Neue  Jahrbiicher,  Vol.  IX,  1902,  p.  379; 
Marucchi,  Le  Forum  Romain,  p.  194;  Hiilsen-Carter, 
The  Roman  Forum,  pp.  166-167 ; Plainer,  Ancient 
Rome^,  p.  219. 

Illustrated ; NS,  1901,  pp.  95-99  ; Hiilsen-Carter,  op. 
cit.,  figs.  93  and  94;  Neue  Jahrhiicher,  1.  c.,  fig.  4; 
Photo.  Moscioni,  6763. 

Fine-grained  white  marble  with  grayish  veins.  Height, 
1.40  m. ; breadth,  .82  m. ; depth,  .60  m. 

The  altar  was  found  in  the  spring  of  1900,  during  the 
excavation  of  the  Lacus  Juturnae.  It  stands  on  a high 
plinth,  above  which  are  three  mouldings,  an  astragal,  a 
cyma  reversa  and  a cyma  recta,  carrying  the  profile  in- 
ward. The  cymae  are  adorned  with  leaf  patterns.  The 
various  faces  are  framed  by  a broad  flat  band,  followed  by 
a cyma  reversa  with  a leaf  pattern,  within  which  the  field 
is  deeply  recessed.  A ledge  is  thus  formed,  on  which  stand 
the  figures  sculptured  in  high  relief.  The  cornice  is  com- 
posed of  an  astragal,  and  two  cymae  with  patterns  similar 
to  those  of  the  base.  Above  the  cornice  is  a plinth  of  con- 
siderably smaller  dimensions,  flanked  by  pulvini.  They 
contract  at  the  middle,  where  they  are  bound  by  a halteus 
with  beaded  edges,  and  a similar  band  is  used  again  just 
before  the  end.  The  ends  are  worked  in  five-petaled  ro- 
settes, and  long  slender  leaves  with  entire  edges  adorn  them 
lengthwise. 

On  one  of  the  long  sides  of  the  altar  are  represented  the 
Dioscuri,  nude  except  for  the  ehlamys  fastened  on  the 
right  shoulder.  They  wear  the  high  pointed  cap  or  pileus 
with  a star  at  the  apex,  and  carry  a spear  in  the  right  hand 
and  a sword  in  the  left.^*^  On  one  of  the  short  sides  is  rep- 

" For  this  type,  probably  of  Alexandrian  origin,  cf.  Eeinach, 
Bepertoire  de  la  Statuaire,  II,  p.  109,  4. 


\ 


ALTAR  OF  JUTURNA.  No.  22, 


CATAXOGUE 


31 


resented  Jupiter,  standing  with  his  right  hand  resting  on 
his  spear.  His  himation  is  thrown  loosely  over  his  left 
shoulder,  leaving  the  upper  part  of  the  body  bare.  Leda 
and  the  swan  occupy  the  other  short  side.  As  in  the  case 
of  Jupiter,  the  upper  part  of  the  body  is  bare,  but  the 
himation  passes  in  heavy  folds  about  the  figure,  as  if  blown 
by  the  wind,  forming  a background  for  the  head  and  torso. 
The  swan  crouches  at  her  feet.  On  the  fourth  side  is  the 
figure  of  a woman,  clad  in  a long  Doric  chiton,  and  holding 
in  her  hands  a long  torch.  She  has  been  identified  as 
Diana  Lucifera,^^  hut  it  seems  more  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  she  is  Helen  in  the  guise  of  Selene.^^  Thus  the  family 
circle  is  complete. 

The  altar  must  date  after  the  restoration  of  the  Locus 
Juturnae  by  Tiberius. 

22.  Altar  of  Jutuma. 

Forum.  Precinct  of  Juturna. 

NS,  Ser.  V,  Vol.  VIII,  1900,  p.  202;  Ser.  V,  Vol. 
IX,  1901,  pp.  79  ff. ; BC,  Vol.  XXVIII,  1900,  p.  68 ; 
RM,  Vol.  XVII,  1902,  p.  70;  Neue  Jahrhucher,  Vol. 
IX,  1902,  p.  378;  Marucchi,  Le  Forum  Romain,  p. 
192;  Thedenat,  Le  Forum  Romain,  p.  280;  Hiilsen- 
Carter,  The  Roman  Forum,  pp.  169—170;  Plainer, 
Ancient  Rome^,  p.  216. 

Illustrated:  NS,  1901,  p.  80;  Neue  Jahrhucher,  1.  c., 
fig.  3 ; Hiilsen-Carter,  op.  cit.,  p.  170,  fig.  96 ; Marucchi, 
op.  cit.,  p.  191 ; Photo.  Moscioni,  6762A. 

Marble.  Height,  .875  m. ; breadth,  .62  m. ; depth, 
.395  m. 

“ So  Thedenat  and  Marucchi,  op.  cit. 

“Petersen,  BM,  Vol.  XV,  1900,  p.  343,  Deubner,  Neue  JdhrMicher, 
1.  c.,  and  Hiilsen-Carter,  op.  cit.,  follow  this  interpretation. 


32 


EOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


The  altar  was  found  in  1900,  in  the  course  of  the  exca- 
vations at  the  precinct  of  Juturna,  lying  on  its  face  to  serve 
as  a step  to  a puteal.  The  base  is  formed  by  a plinth  fol- 
lowed by  three  mouldings — an  astragal  and  two  cymae  with 
leaf  and  tongue  patterns.  The  front  face  is  framed  by  a 
flat  band,  followed  by  a cyma  reversa  with  a coarse  leaf 
ornament.  The  field  is  deeply  recessed.  Two  mouldings 
adorned  with  leaf  patterns  form  the  cornice.  The  top  con- 
sists of  a low  plinth  of  smaller  dimensions  than  the  comice, 
at  the  sides  of  which  are  pulvini.  They  are  of  the  usual 
type — hound  about  the  middle,  and  growing  slightly  smaller 
towards  the  ends,  which  are  worked  in  five-petaled  rosettes. 
Between  the  pulvini  the  top  is  slightly  depressed,  and  has 
two  shallow  square  holes,  placed  nearly  opposite  each  other 
in  the  short  axis.  Boni  suggests^®  that  they  may  have  been 
used  for  the  attachment  of  some  accessory  at  the  time  of 
sacrifice. 

On  the  front  of  the  altar  are  represented  a man  and  a 
woman,  apparently  in  lively  conversation.  The  man,  who 
stands  at  the  left,  wears  a tunic  and  cuirass,  over  which  is 
a chlamys,  fastened  on  the  left  shoulder.  He  carries  a 
spear  and  a shield.  The  woman  wears  a Doric  chiton  and 
himation,  and  holds  a scepter  in  her  left  hand.  Her  right 
arm  is  outstretched  towards  the  man.  There  is  little  doubt 
that  these  figures  represent  Turnus  and  Juturna,  as  they 
are  described  by  Vergil. On  the  right  face  is  a patera 
in  high  relief,  on  the  left  an  urceus. 

The  style  of  the  work  seems  to  be  that  of  the  time  of 
Severus. 

Class  II,  B 

23.  Altar  of  Sol  Invictus  Mithras. 

Museo  ISTazionale. 

« N8,  1901,  pp.  79  ff. 

**  Aen.,  XII,  872-886. 


ALTAR  OF  HERCULES  PRIMIGENIUS.  No.  24. 


CATALOGUE 


33 


OIL.  VI,  3724  = 31041. 

Marble.  Height,  1.04  m. ; breadth,  .43  m. ; depth, 
.32  m. 

The  altar  was  found  near  the  Ministry  of  Finance.  The 
base,  cornice  and  sides  of  the  different  faces  are  simply 
moulded.  On  the  right  side  is  a patera  in  relief,  on  the 
left  an  urceus.  There  are  no  pulvini,  but  the  front  has 
simple  hom-shaped  appendages  at  the  corners. 

24.  Altar  of  Hercules  Primigenius. 

Museo  Capitolino. 

GIL,  VI,  30907;  IL8,  3433;  NS,  Ser.  4“,  Vol.  IV, 
1888,  p.  571 ; BC,  Vol.  XVI,  1888,  p.  405. 

Coarse-grained  marble.  Height,  including  top,  1.05 
m. ; without  top,  .87  m. ; breadth,  .46  m. ; depth,  .385  m. 

The  altar  was  found  near  the  Porta  Salaria  in  1888. 
The  base,  comice  and  sides  are  moulded.  The  top  is  fur- 
bished with  pointed  horns  at  the  four  corners.  Between 
hose  of  the  front  face  rises  a pointed  fastigium,  or  gable, 
iii  which  is  an  eagle  with  outspread  wings  in  low  relief. 
Palmettes  fill  the  spaces  at  the  sides.  Between  the  horns 
'f  the  sides  and  the  fastigium  of  the  front  face  the  upper 
surface  of  the  altar  is  elevated  to  about  the  height  of  the 
horns,  thus  presenting  a fiat  raised  surface  .22  m.  X -15  m. 
On  the  right  face  is  a patera  in  relief,  on  the  left  an  urceus. 

25.  Altar  of  Neptune. 

Museo  Laterano. 

GIL,  XIV,  3558 ; ILS,  3292. 

Coarse  marble.  Height,  at  center,  .775  m. ; breadth, 
.435  m.  The  altar  is  built  into  a wall,  so  its  original 
depth  cannot  be  ascertained. 


34 


KOMAN  SACKIFICIAI,  ALTARS 


The  base,  comice  and  sides  of  the  faces  are  moulded. 
The  top,  which  is  set  back  from  the  comice,  has  blunt  horns 
at  the  corners.  Between  them  the  top  is  carried  over  in 
a gentle  curve,  which  rises  to  the  same  height  as  the  horns. 
On  the  right  face  is  a praefericulum  and  above  it  an  arcula. 

26.  Ara  Tauroholata. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  31. 

CIL,  XIV,  39  ; IL8,  4155. 

A marble  altar  of  medium  size,  found  at  Ostia  or  Portus. 
The  front  face  has  small  horns  at  the  corners.  Except  for 
these  the  upper  surface  is  flat.  The  consular  date  assigns 
it  to  the  year  199  A.  D. 

27.  Altar  of  Aesculapius. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  196. 

CIL,  VI,  17 ; Amelung,  8c.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  p.  301. 

A small  marble  altar,  with  simply  moulded  base,  cornice 
and  sides.  On  the  right  face  a patera  is  represented,  on 
the  left  an  urceus.  At  the  corners  are  hornlike  appendages, 
between  which  the  front  face  is  carried  upward  with  a 
boldly  curving  outline. 

Class  II,  C 

28.  Altar  of  Diana. 

Museo  Xazionale,  Court,  102. 

CIL,  VI,  30861;  N8,  Ser.  4“,  Vol.  II,  1886,  p.  52; 
BC,  Vol,  XIV,  1886,  p.  88. 

Marble.  Height,  1.04  m. ; breadth,  .475  m. ; depth, 
.505  m. 

The  altar  was  found  in  1886,  in  a pozzolana  pit,  on  the 
Via  Ardeatina.  It  is  unusually  well  preserved.  The  base, 
comice  and  sides  are  moulded,  and  the  top  is  flat. 


CATALOGT7E 


35 


29.  Altar  of  Dispater. 

Museo  !Nazionale,  Court,  78. 

GIL.  VI,  137. 

A plain  marble  altar,  witli  moulded  base,  cornice  and 
sides.  Height,  .975  m. ; breadth,  .67  m. ; depth,  .47  m. 
The  top  is  flat. 

On  the  right  face  is  a patera  in  relief,  on  the  left  an 
urcem. 

30.  Altar  of  Lares  Augusii. 

Museo  Hazionale,  Court,  47808. 

GIL,  VI,  446 ; ILS,  3612. 

A fragmentary  marble  altar.  Present  height,  1.03 
m. ; breadth,  .70  m.  The  original  depth  cannot  be 
determined. 

The  altar  was  found  in  1676,  on  the  island  of  the  Tiber. 
At  the  corners  are  olive  branches,  between  which  is  a 
wreath  of  oak  leaves.  The  base  is  moulded.  The  top  is 
much  broken,  but  appears  to  have  been  flat  originally. 

31.  Altar  of  Liber. 

Museo  Hazionale,  Court. 

GIL,  VI,  30965;  N8,  Ser.  3®,  Vol.  XIII,  1884,  p. 
375 ; BG,  Vol.  XII,  1884,  p.  39,  no.  765. 

Pavonazzetto  marble.  Height,  .82  m. ; breadth,  .46  m. 
The  original  depth  cannot  now  be  determined. 

The  altar  was  found  near  the  Villa  Farnesina  in  1884. 
It  has  a simply  moulded  base  and  cornice  and  a flat  top. 
The  letters  are  poorly  cut. 

32.  Altar  of  Lucina. 

Museo  Xazionale,  Court,  306. 


36 


ROMAIC  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


CIL,  VI,  3695  = 30918;  Visconti  e Lanciani,  Guida 
del  Palatino,  p.  67. 

A circular  marble  altar.  Height,  1.01  m. ; diameter, 
.525  m. 

This  altar,  together  with  a similar  one  dedicated  to 
Minerva  (no.  33),  was  found  in  the  Farnese  Gardens  on 
the  Palatine,  near  the  Clivus  Victoriae.  The  base  and  cor- 
nice are  simply  moulded.  The  decoration  consists  of  three 
wreaths  tied  with  ribbons.  The  wreaths  are  lighter  than 
those  of  the  altar  of  Minerva,  and  the  ribbons  are  longer 
and  more  flowing. 

33.  Altar  of  Minerva. 

Museo  Hazionale,  Court,  309. 

CIL,  VI,  3704  = 30981;  Visconti  e Lanciani,  Guida 
del  Palatino,  p.  67. 

Marble.  Height,  1 m. ; diameter,  .52  m. 

This  altar  was  found  together  with  the  altar  dedicated 
to  Lucina  (no.  32),  which  it  closely  resembles  in  decoration. 

34.  Altar  of  Sanctissimus  Hercules  Invictus. 

Museo  Capitolino. 

CIL,  VI,  327 ; ILS,  3446. 

A plain  marble  altar  with  moulded  base,  cornice  and 
sides.  Height,  .59  m. ; breadth,  .34  m. ; the  depth  can- 
not now  be  determined. 

The  inscription  dates  the  altar  in  the  year  149  A.  D. 

35.  Altar  of  Isis. 

Museo  Capitolino,  Court,  24. 

CIL,  VI,  344. 

Marble.  Height,  .865  m. ; breadth,  .42  m. ; depth, 
.41  m. 


CATALOGUE 


37 


The  base  and  cornice  are  moulded  and  the  top  is  flat.  A 
cista  mystica  is  represented  on  the  front  face.  It  is  deco- 
rated with  a crescent  moon  and  ears  of  wheat,  and  a snake 
is  coiled  about  the  top.  On  the  right  face  is  Anubis  with 
a palm  branch,  and  on  the  left  face  Homs  holding  a corn- 
ucopia. He  is  nude  except  for  a cloak  thrown  over  the 
left  shoulder.  On  the  back  are  represented  the  patera, 
urceus  and  sacrificial  knife. 

36.  Altar  of  Jupiter  Optimus  Maximus. 

Museo  Capitolino. 

CIL,  VI,  402 ; ILS,  4396 ; Helbig,  Fuhrer,  I,  pp. 
353-354;  Strong,  Roman  Sculpture,  p.  312;  Altmann, 
Rom.  Grdbaltdre,  no.  249. 

Illustrated:  Strong,  op.  cit.,  PI.  XCVII;  Altmann, 
op.  cit.,  fig.  149. 

This  large  marble  altar  was  found  in  1745  on  the  Via 
Appia,  between  S.  Sebastiano  and  the  tomb  of  Caecilia 
Metella.  The  top  and  bottom  are  broken.  The  fields  of 
the  various  faces  are  surrounded  by  simple  mouldings. 

The  front  face  is  occupied  by  an  oak  wreath  tied  with 
ribbons,  within  which  the  inscription  is  placed.  The  ex- 
ecution of  the  wreath  is  admirable.  On  the  right  face  is 
a representation  of  a trophy,  at  the  left  of  which  stands  a 
figure  of  Victory,  while  the  goddess  Roma  is  at  the  right, 
seated  on  a rock.  The  left  face  represents  the  prepara- 
tions for  a sacrifice.  At  the  left  is  a victimarius  leading 
a bull,  and  at  the  right  stands  a man,  probably  the  dedi- 
cator Scipio  Orfitus  himself.  His  head  is  veiled  with  his 
toga  for  sacrifice  and  he  holds  a patera  in  his  right  hand. 

The  back  of  the  altar  is  occupied  by  a scene  the  meaning 
of  which  is  not  clear.  In  the  background  is  seen  a walled 
town,  whose  towers  and  trees  appear  above  the  enclosure. 


38 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


A garland  suspended  from  the  wall  indicates  a festival  of 
some  kind.  In  the  right  foreground  before  the  city  gate 
is  Tellus,  reclining  on  the  ground,  in  an  attitude  similar  to 
that  which  she  has  on  the  cuirass  of  the  Augustus  found  at 
Prima  Porta. Her  left  arm  is  thrown  about  the  child  at 
her  side,  while  her  right  hand  holds  her  mantle  extended, 
disclosing  the  fruits  with  which  her  lap  is  piled.  At  the 
left,  mounted  upon  a bull  charging  towards  Tellus,  is  a man 
in  armor,  possibly  the  representation  of  an  emperor.  He 
holds  a cornucopia  in  his  left  hand  and  a branch  of  laurel 
in  his  right.  The  shape  of  the  head  has  suggested  an 
identification  with  Caracalla,  whose  devotion  to  the  cult  of 
Serapis  is  well  known, but  the  head  is  too  mutilated  to 
make  this  certain.  A more  trustworthy  means  of  dating  is 
afforded  by  the  inscription,  since  this  Scipio  Orfitus  is 
probably  to  be  identified  with  the  Lucius  Cornelius  Scipio 
Orfitus  who  offered  a taurobolium  in  the  year  295  A.  D.^'^ 

37.  Altar  of  Mercury. 

Museo  Capitolino. 

CIL,  VI,  518  = 30784;  ILS,  3190. 

An  altar  of  peperino  having  the  form  of  a truncated 

cone.  Height,  .505  m. ; diameter  of  upper  surface,  .47  m. 

The  top  is  flat.  The  base  and  cornice  are  decorated 
with  egg  and  dart  mouldings  and  astragals  and  with  guttae. 
The  character  of  the  letters  points  to  the  time  of  the 
Republic. 

Cf.  Brunn-Bruekmanii,  Benkmaler  der  Gr.  u.  Bom.  Sculptur,  PI. 
225;  Strong,  op.  cit.,  PI.  III. 

" Hiilsen  in  Rhein.  Mus.,  N.  F.,  Vol.  XLIX,  1894,  pp.  394-396. 

" CIL,  VI,  505,  506 ; ILS,  4143,  4144.  Strong  and  Altmann  accept 
the  later  date,  but  Helbig  on  grounds  of  style  prefers  the  time  of 
Caracalla. 


CATALOGUE 


39 


38.  Altar  of  Deiis  Sanctus. 

Palazzo  del  Conservator!. 

OIL,  VI,  2807  = 32582;  ILS,  4068. 

Marble.  Height,  .455  m. ; breadth,  .195  m. ; depth, 
.185  m. 

The  base  and  cornice  are  moulded.  The  top  presents  an 
interesting  variation  from  the  usual  types.  It  is  flat,  but 
on  the  front  and  sides  are  represented  in  very  shallow  relief 
the  horns  so  frequently  found  worked  in  the  round.  The 
front  is  further  elaborated  by  a circle  in  relief  between  the 
horns.  The  work  is  rough,  and  this  device  may  have  been 
used  to  suggest  the  more  elaborate  and  expensive  form. 

39.  Altar  of  Silvanus. 

Palazzo  dei  Conservator!. 

Marble.  Height,  .68  m. ; breadth,  .315  m. ; depth, 
.22  m. 

The  base  and  comice  are  not  differentiated,  but  a flat 
moulding  frames  the  front  face,  on  which  the  inscription 
is  cut.  The  top  is  flat.  The  workmanship  is  poor. 

40.  Altar  of  Deus  or  Dea. 

Museo  Laterano,  Room  XXI. 

CIL,  I,  1114  = XIV,  B572-,ILS,  4017. 

Travertine.  Height,  .885  m. ; breadth,  .365  m. ; depth, 
(at  present),  .10  m. 

The  altar  was  found  at  T ibur.  Only  the  base  is  moulded ; 
the  top  is  flat.  The  depth  was  probably  much  greater  origi- 
nally than  it  is  at  present,  as  the  back  has  been  cut  away  to 
allow  the  altar  to  be  built  into  the  wall. 

41.  Altar  of  the  Dioscuri. 

Museo  Laterano,  Room  XIII,  888. 


40 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


GIL,  XI,  3777 ; ILS,  3387 ; Benndorf-Schone,  Die 
AntiTcen  Bildwerke  des  Lat.  Museums,  p.  335,  no.  478. 

Marble.  Height,  .915  m. ; breadth,  .72  m. ; depth, 
.50  m. 

The  altar  was  found  at  Veii,  perhaps  in  the  excavations 
of  1810.  The  base  and  sides  are  moulded  and  the  top  is 
flat.  On  each  of  the  side  faces  is  a spear  and  a pileus 
ornamented  with  a star.  The  dedicator  may  be  identical 
with  a C.  Julius  Merula  who  is  mentioned  in  an  inscrip- 
tion of  26  A. 

42.  Altar  of  Hercules  (Am  Giustiniani) . 

Museo  Laterano. 

GIL,  VI,  277 ; Jahn’s  Jahrhuch,  Vol.  XLI,  1844,  p. 
101 ; Vol.  XLIII,  1845,  p.  449 ; Annali,  Vol.  XXXVI, 
1864,  p.  317 ; Benndorf-Schone,  Die  AntiTcen  Bildwerke 
des  Lat.  Museums,  pp.  322  ff. 

Grayish  Greek  marble.  Height,  .83  m. ; breadth,  .58 
m. ; depth,  .46  m. 

The  back  side  of  the  altar,  which  was  formerly  walled 
up  in  the  Palazzo  Giustiniani,  is  the  best  preserved.  The 
base  and  cornice  are  formed  of  slightly  projecting  mould- 
ings ; the  top  is  flat.  Between  the  two  parts  of  the  inscrip- 
tion, which  is  cut  on  the  front  face,  is  a group  in  very  low 
relief.  In  the  middle  is  an  altar  of  the  same  type  as  the 
large  altar  on  which  it  appears.  It  has  a moulded  base 
and  cornice,  and  is  adorned  with  reliefs  on  the  front  face. 
The  details  are  scarcely  distinguishable,  but  it  seems  to  be 
decorated  with  garlands,  and  some  object,  perhaps  a burn- 
ing offering,  lies  on  it.  At  the  right  of  the  altar  is  Mi- 
nerva, facing  to  the  left.  She  wears  a long  girded  chiton, 
helmet  and  aegis.  A shield  is  on  her  left  arm,  and  a spear 
« CIL,  XI,  3805,  line  22. 


CATALOGUE 


41 


in  her  left  hand.  Her  right  arm  is  extended,  as  if  to  hand 
some  object,  which  cannot  now  be  made  out,  to  Hercules, 
who  stands  at  the  left  of  the  altar.  His  right  hand  is 
extended  to  receive  this  object,  or  perhaps  to  make  a liba- 
tion. He  is  nude,  and  carries  the  lion  skin  on  his  left  arm, 
and  the  club  over  his  left  shoulder.  The  twelve  labors 
are  represented  on  the  four  sides  of  the  altar,  running  from 
right  to  left.  They  follow  the  usual  arrangement,  except 
on  the  third  side,  where  the  order  is  the  reverse  of  that 
usually  found. 

The  details  of  the  various  groups  can  no  longer  be  made 
out.  The  head  of  Hercules  is  preserved  only  in  the  scene 
of  the  cleansing  of  the  Augean  stables.  The  hair  is  ar- 
ranged in  semi-archaic  fashion,  in  small  round  curls.  The 
execution  of  the  whole  is  fairly  good. 

43.  Altar  of  Jupiter  Custos. 

Museo  Laterano,  Room  XXI. 

CIL,  XIV,  3557. 

A quadrangular  marble  altar.  Height,  .755  m. ; 

breadth,  .47  m. ; present  depth,  .125  m. 

The  base  is  formed  of  proj  ecting  mouldings ; the  top  and 
sides  have  flatter  mouldings.  The  altar  is  much  broken, 
but  the  top  appears  to  have  been  flat  originally.  On  the 
right  face  is  a patera. 

44.  Altar  of  Pantheus. 

Museo  Laterano,  Room  IV. 

CIL,  VI,  559 ; Annali,  Vol.  XVI,  1844,  p.  87. 

A quadrangular  marble  altar.  Height,  .89  m. ; breadth, 

.41  m. ; depth,  .41  m. 

The  base,  cornice  and  sides  of  the  different  faces  are 
moulded.  The  top,  now  much  broken,  was  originally  flat. 

**  Klugmann,  Annali,  1.  c. 

4 


42 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


45.  Altar  of  Pietas. 

Museo  Laterano. 

OIL,  XI,  3779;  ILS,  3791;  Annali,  Vol.  XVIII, 
1846,  pp.  244  ff. ; Bulleiino,  1847,  pp.  79  ff. 

Illustrated:  Mon.  delV  Inst.,  IV,  1844,  Tav.  36. 
Marble.  Height,  .64  m. ; diameter,  .50  m. 

The  altar  is  round,  with,  a decided  increase  in  diameter 
at  the  middle.  It  was  found  at  Veil,  in  the  early  part  of 
the  nineteenth  century.  The  decoration,  in  high  relief, 
consists  of  four  lyres,  between  which  is  suspended  a heavy 
garland  of  fruits,  grains  and  flowers.  Below  the  garland 
are  four  symbols  of  Vulcan — an  anvil,  a hammer,  a pair 
of  tongs  and  a pileus  adorned  with  a spray  of  olive. 

Canina  first  pointed  out  that  this  altar  was  an  imitation 
of  the  puteal  Libonis.^^ 

46.  Altar  of  Apollo. 

Vatican,  Sala  della  Biga,  622. 

OIL,  XI,  3572 ; ILS,  3227. 

A plain  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  a moulded  base 
and  cornice  and  a flat  top.  A patera  is  represented  on  the 
right  face,  an  urceus  on  the  left. 

47.  Altar  of  Bona  Dea. 

Vatican,  Belvedere. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base 
and  cornice  and  pilasters  at  the  sides.  The  top  is  flat. 

48.  Altar  of  Diana. 

Vatican,  Belvedere. 

OIL,  VI,  125. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  II,  Taf. 
IV,  24. 

Annali,  1.  c. 


CATALOGUE 


43 


A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base, 
comice  and  sides.  The  top  is  flat. 

49.  Altar  of  Fortuna. 

Vatican,  Museo  Cbiaramonti,  2691?. 

CIL,  VI,  172 ; Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  p.  489. 
Illustrated:  Amelung,  op.  cit.,  I,  Taf.  50. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  rudely  moulded 
base  and  comice.  The  top  is  flat. 

50.  Altar  of  Genius  Centuriae. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  175. 

CIL,  VI,  211. 

A marble  altar  with  simply  moulded  base,  cornice  and 
sides.  The  top  is  flat.  On  the  right  face  is  a patera  in 
relief ; on  the  left  an  urceus. 

The  consuls  mentioned  in  the  inscription  held  ofiice  in 
174  A.  D. 

51.  Altar  of  Genius  Familiae. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  625. 

CIL,  VI,  239. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  Taf.  37. 

A quadrangular  marble  altar  of  moderate  size.  A num- 
ber of  simple  mouldings  form  the  base  and  comice  and 
frame  the  different  faces.  The  top  is  flat. 

52.  Altar  of  Genius  Noricorum. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria. 

CIL,  VI,  250 ; ILS,  3675 ; Euggiero,  Diz.  Epig.,  Ill, 
15,  471. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base, 
comice  and  sides.  The  top  is  flat. 


44 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


53.  Altar  of  Hercules. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  188. 

OIL.  VI,  308 ; IL8,  3439. 

A large  quadrangular  marble  altar.  Height,  1.38  m. ; 
breadth,  .50  m. 

The  altar  was  found  in  1869,  on  the  Via  de’  Balestri. 
The  base,  cornice  and  sides  are  simply  moulded ; the  top  is 
flat.  The  date,  as  shown  by  the  inscription,  is  193  A.  D. 

54.  Altar  of  Hercules  Comes  et  Conservator. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti. 

CIL,  VI,  30734. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  8c.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  Taf.  57. 

A large  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base, 
cornice  and  sides.  The  top  is  flat. 

55.  Altar  of  Hercules  and  8ilvanus. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  197. 

A plain  quadrangular  marble  altar.  The  top  is  much 
broken,  but  appears  to  have  been  flat  originally.  A patera 
is  represented  on  the  right  face,  an  urceus  on  the  left. 

56.  Altar  of  Isis. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  19A. 

CIL,  XIV,  20. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  8c.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  Taf.  34. 

A quadrangular  marble  altar  of  moderate  size,  found  at 
Ostia.  The  base,  cornice  and  sides  are  moulded;  the  top 
is  flat.  The  patera  and  urceus  appear  as  usual. 

57.  Altar  of  Juno. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti. 


CATALOGUE 


45 


CIL,  VI,  367 ; IL8,  4322 ; Amelung,  Sc.  des  Yat. 
Mus.,  I,  p.  421. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  o'p.  cit.,  I,  Taf.  43. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base 
and  cornice ; the  top  is  flat.  The  inscription  dates  it  in  the 
year  218  A.  D. 

58.  Altar  of  Jupiter. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  61. 

CIL,  VI,  411;  IL8,  4314. 

A small  marble  altar  found  on  the  Aventine.  The  base 
and  cornice  are  moulded ; the  top  is  flat. 

59.  Altar  of  Jupiter. 

Vatican,  Belvedere. 

CIL,  VI,  433 ; IL8,  3042 ; Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat. 
Mus.,  II,  p.  227. 

A plain  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  flat  top.  The 
dedicator  is  I7ummius  Albinus.  A man  by  this  name  was 
consul  in  206  A.  D.,  and  another  I7ummius  Albinus  held 
the  office  in  246  and  again  in  263. 

60.  Altar  of  Lares  Augusti. 

Vatican,  Belvedere. 

CIL,  VI,  876;  Annali,  Vol.  XXXIV,  1862,  pp. 
305  ff. ; AZ,  NF,  Vol.  IV,  1872,  p.  122  ; Roscher,  Lexi- 
con, II,  1897 ; RM,  Vol.  XVI,  1901,  pp.  238  and  240 ; 
Vol.  XXI,  1906,  pp.  299—300;  Altmann,  Rom.  Grahal- 
tdre,  p.  175,  no.  230;  Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  II, 
pp.  242  If. 

Illustrated:  RM,  1906,  p.  300  (one  side)  ; Amelung, 
op.  cit.,  II,  Taf.  XV,  87a  and  b. 

Marble.  Height,  .95  m. ; breadth,  .97  m. ; depth, 
.67  m. 


46 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


The  base  consists  of  a low  plinth,  followed  by  three 
mouldings — a torus  adorned  with  scalelike  leaves ; a cyma 
reversa  with  a delicate  design  in  which  pairs  of  acanthus 
leaves  alternate  with  star-shaped  flowers,  and  a concave 
moulding  with  a leaf  design,  l^o  other  mouldings  occur 
on  the  altar,  which  has  a flat  top. 

On  the  front  of  the  altar  is  represented  a considerable 
elevation  of  ground,  on  which  stands  a flat  pillar,  with  a 
laurel  tree  at  either  side.  A Victory,  poised  on  widely 
spread  wings,  is  fastening  a round  shield  to  the  pillar. 
The  inscription  is  cut  on  the  shield. 

On  the  right  side  a scene  of  sacriflce  is  represented. 
Slender  pilasters  frame  the  face,  from  whose  capitals  a 
heavy  garland  is  suspended.  A rocky  elevation  is  indi- 
cated, on  which  stands  a square  altar,  adorned  with  a gar- 
land. The  top  is  furnished  with  horns  and  the  flames  of 
the  sacrificial  fire  are  represented.  At  the  right  of  the 
altar  stands  a man  clad  in  a toga,  with  his  head  veiled  for 
sacrifice.  At  the  left  of  the  altar,  facing  him,  is  a woman. 
Their  right  hands  are  extended  over  the  altar,  and  each 
holds  the  figure  of  a Lar,  of  the  usual  type.  Behind  the 
man  are  two  youthful  male  figures,  and  behind  the  woman 
two  similar  figures  are  dimly  discernible.  Above  the  gar- 
land between  the  pilasters  are  represented  a lituus,  a patera 
umhilicata  and  an  urceus. 

An  apotheosis  is  represented  on  the  back  of  the  altar. 
At  the  left,  moving  to  the  right,  is  a quadriga  drawn  by 
winged  horses,  in  which  is  a man  wrapped  in  a mantle. 
Behind  the  chariot  is  a small  toga-clad  figure.  At  the 
right,  facing  the  spectator,  is  the  figure  of  a woman  in 
tunic  and  mantle.  A child,  also  in  a toga,  stands  at  either 
side,  and  the  woman’s  right  arm  is  extended  toward  the 
figure  in  the  chariot.  The  scene  is  framed  by  a palm  tree 
at  the  left  and  a laurel  tree  at  the  right.  Above  the  woman, 


CATALOGUE 


47 


appearing  from  the  clouds,  is  Caelus,  represented  as  a 
bearded  man,  holding  a billowing  mantle  in  his  uplifted 
hands.  At  the  left  is  represented  the  chariot  of  the  Sun, 
between  which  and  Caelus  traces  of  an  eagle  are  to  be  seen. 

On  the  left  side  is  a representation  of  the  prodigy  of  the 
Alban  sow.  As  on  the  other  sides,  a rocky  elevation  is 
indicated.  A male  figure  is  seated  at  the  left,  wrapped  in 
a mantle  and  holding  a roll  in  his  hands.  A second  man 
stands  at  the  right,  leaning  upon  his  staff.  Between  them 
on  the  ground  is  the  sow,  surrounded  by  her  young. 

The  interpretation  of  the  various  scenes  has  been  much 
discussed.  The  central  figure  in  the  apotheosis  has  been  ex- 
plained as  Julius  Caesar,®^  as  Augustus,®^  and  as  Aeneas. 
In  the  last  case,  the  man  standing  at  the  left  would  he 
Ascanius,  and  the  woman  with  the  children  would  repre- 
sent Lavinia  with  Romulus  and  Remus.  If  the  deification 
of  Caesar  is  represented,  the  other  figures  would  be  Au- 
gustus, Livia,  Tiberius  and  Drusus. 

The  standing  figure  in  the  scene  of  the  prodigy  is  com- 
monly interpreted  as  Aeneas,  though  Amelung  suggests  that 
it  may  be  merely  a herdsman  or  Faunus.  The  seated 
figure  with  the  roll  evidently  has  some  close  connection 
with  the  oracle. 

The  male  figure  in  the  sacrificial  scene  is  undoubtedly 
Augustus,  and  the  reference  is  to  his  revival  of  the  cult  of 
the  Lares. 

The  inscription  on  the  shield  of  the  front  face  gives  the 
title  of  Pontifex  Maximus  to  Augustus,  an  office  which  he 
first  assumed  in  the  year  12  B.  C.,  so  the  altar  must  be 
later  than  that  date. 

“ Altmann  and  Amelung,  1.  c. 

" Eizzo,  BM,  Vol.  XXI,  1906,  p.  299. 

“ Amelung,  1.  c. 


48 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


61.  Altar  of  Lares  AugiLsti. 

Vatican,  Sala  delle  Muse. 

OIL,  VI,  445;  IL8,  3613;  Annali,  Vol.  XXXIV, 

1862,  p.  304 ; Altmann,  Rom.  Grahalt  'dre,  p.  177,  no.  234. 

Illustrated : Altmann,  op.  cit.,  fig.  142. 

Height,  .875  m. ; breadth,  .58  m. ; depth,  .72  m. 

A square  marble  altar  with  a fiat  top.  The  base  consists 
of  a low  plinth,  above  which  is  a torus  with  a scalelike 
pattern,  and  a cyma  reversa  adorned  with  leaves.  The 
background  of  the  different  fields  is  deeply  sunk,  and 
framed  by  broad  plain  mouldings. 

At  the  left  of  the  front  face  stands  Augustus,  with  his 
head  veiled  for  sacrifice,  holding  a patera  in  his  right  hand. 
At  the  right  are  two  Lares  in  short  tunics,  crowned  with 
laurel.  Each  holds  a rhyton,  one  in  the  right  hand,  the 
other  in  the  left.  The  action  of  the  other  hands  is  not 
clear;  they  may  have  been  joined,  or  they  may  have  held 
paterae.  Xear  them  are  two  laurel  trees.  On  the  back  of 
the  altar  are  an  oak  wreath  and  two  laurel  branches. 

On  the  right  and  left  faces  are  identical  scenes  of  sac- 
rifice. A small  quadrangular  altar  occupies  the  center  of 
the  scene.  It  has  a moulded  base  and  cornice  and  a flat 
top,  and  is  adorned  with  a garland.  Fruits  are  piled  upon 
it.  At  the  right  of  the  altar  stands  a toga-clad  man,  pour- 
ing a libation ; at  the  left  is  a similar  figure,  who  seems  to 
be  scattering  incense  upon  the  altar.  Behind  the  altar  is 
a flute-player. 

Above  the  sacrificial  scenes  is  a band  of  ornament  in  low 
relief.  It  consists  of  three  boucrania,  between  which  are 
laurel  branches  tied  with  ribbons. 

62.  Altar  of  Mercury. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  under  no.  45. 

OIL,  VI,  516. 


CATALOGITE 


49 


A quadrangular  marble  altar  with  moulded  base  and 
sides.  The  front  and  side  faces  are  decorated  with  reliefs, 
which  are  much  defaced.  On  the  front,  above  the  inscrip- 
tion, is  a figure  of  Mercury  with  a ram.  On  the  right  face 
a patera  is  represented,  on  the  left  an  urceus.  Below  the 
sacrificial  vessel  on  each  face  is  an  animal  in  low  relief,  but 
it  is  impossible  to  make  out  what  kind. 

63.  Altar  of  Mithras. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  125A. 

CIL,  VI,  744. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  Taf.  41. 

A quadrangular  marble  altar  of  moderate  size.  Simple 
mouldings  form  the  base  and  cornice  and  frame  the  faces. 
The  top  is  flat.  The  patera  and  urceus  appear  as  usual. 

64.  Altar  of  Mithras. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  59 lA. 

CIL,  VI,  724;  Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  709. 
Illustrated:  Amelung,  op  cit.,  I,  Taf.  76. 

A quadrangTilar  altar  of  fine-grained  gray  marble. 
Height,  1.24  m. ; breadth  and  depth,  .62  m. 

The  base  and  cornice  are  formed  of  several  simple 
mouldings,  and  similar  mouldings  frame  the  front  face, 
on  which  the  inscription  is  cut.  Above  the  flat  top  is  a 
circular  section,  whose  diameter  is  equal  to  the  width  of 
the  top.  Coiling  about  this  circular  block  is  a crested  ser- 
pent, holding  in  his  mouth  his  bushy  tail,  on  which  is  rep- 
resented a crescent  in  relief.  In  each  corner  of  the  flat  top 
is  a deep  round  hole. 

The  inscription  dates  the  altar  in  the  year  194  A.  D. 

65.  Altar  of  Nemesis. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  5162^. 


50 


KOMAST  SACEIFICIAX,  ALTARS 


CIL,  VI,  531;  ILS,  3739;  Ameluiig,  8c.  des  Vat. 
Mils.,  I,  p.  654. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  op.  cit.,  I,  Taf.  69. 

A tall  narrow  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded 
base  and  cornice.  The  top  is  flat. 

66.  Altar  of  Pantheus. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  492A. 

CIL,  VI,  558 ; Amelung,  8c.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  p.  630. 
Illustrated:  Amelung,  op.  cit.,_T,  Taf.  66. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base, 
comice  and  sides.  The  top  is  flat.  A patera  is  repre- 
sented on  the  left  face,  an  urceus  on  the  right.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  the  usual  position  of  the  sacriflcial  vessels  is 
reversed. 

67.  Altar  of  8ilvanus. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  516. 

CIL,  VI,  618 ; Amelung,  8c.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  p. 
652;  Annali,  Vol.  XXXVIII,  1866,  p.  211,  1. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  op.  cit.,  I,  Taf.  69;  Annali, 
1.  c.,  Tav.  I,  1,  2 and  3. 

A quadrangular  altar  of  flne-grained  white  marble. 
Height,  .73  m. ; breadth,  .53  m. ; depth,  .24  m. 

The  base  and  cornice  are  moulded.  The  front  face  is 
occupied  by  the  inscription.  The  right  face  is  divided 
horizontally  into  two  fields,  of  which  the  upper  is  the  larger. 
It  is  filled  by  an  oak  tree,  under  which  is  a ram,  facing 
to  the  left.  In  the  lower  field  is  a boar,  also  facing  to  the 
left.  On  the  left  face  Silvanus  is  represented,  standing 
on  a flat  rock,  facing  to  the  right.  He  is  entirely  nude, 
and  holds  an  oak  branch  in  his  left  hand.  Seated  on  the 


CATALOGUE 


51 


ground  at  the  right  is  a dog,  looking  up  at  him.  The  front 
of  the  flat  top  has  a volute  design,  but  it  is  now  much 
broken. 

68.  Altar  of  Silvanus, 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  211E. 

CIL,  VI,  627. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base 
and  cornice.  The  top  is  flat. 

69.  Altar  of  Silvanus. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  165. 

CIL,  VI,  646 ; ILS,  3570. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar.  The  base,  cornice 
and  sides  of  the  different  faces  are  simply  moulded.  The 
top  is  flat.  On  the  right  face  is  a 'patera,  on  the  left  an 
urceus.  This  may  be  a basis,  and  not  an  altar,  as  there 
are  holes  in  the  top,  which  may  have  served  for  the  attach- 
ment of  the  feet  of  a statue. 

70.  Altar  of  the  Lares  Augusti. 

Forum. 

CIL,  VI,  30954;  NS,  Ser.  Vol.  Ill,  1879,  p.  286 ; 
BC,  Vol.  VIII,  1880,  p.  12,  no.  156 ; Altmann,  Rd'm. 
Grahaltdre,  p.  179,  no.  238. 

Illustrated : Photo.  Moscioni,  2448 ; Altmann,  op.  cit., 
flg.  144. 

Marble.  Height,  .95  m. ; breadth,  .59  m. ; depth, 
.51  m. 

The  altar  was  found  in  1879,  in  the  Roman  Forum,  in 
front  of  the  Temple  of  Deified  Romulus.  At  the  sides  are 
unfluted  pilasters,  with  capitals  of  a degenerate  Ionic  type. 
Above  them  the  cornice  projects  sharply.  The  face  be- 


52 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


tween  the  pilasters  is  framed  by  simple  mouldings.  An 
eagle  with  outspread  wings  was  represented  as  standing 
on  the  cornice,  but  only  the  lower  part  is  preserved.  The 
pateria  and  urceus  are  represented  as  usual.  The  rear  of 
the  altar  has  a small  niche,  in  which  an  image  of  a Lar 
may  once  have  stood. 


Class  II,  D 

71.  Two  altars  of  Hercules. 

Museo  Hazionale. 

CIL,  VI,  30891 ; NS,  Ser.  4%  Vol.  VI,  1889,  p.  244; 
BM,  Vol.  VI,  1891,  p.  149,  and  Vol.  VII,  1892,  p.  331. 

Illustrated:  NS,  1.  c.;  RM,  1891,  p.  149. 

The  two  altars,  bearing  the  same  inscription,  were 
found  in  1889,  near  the  Via  Portuense.  One  is  of 
travertine,  the  other  of  peperino.  Height,  .75  m.;  breadth 
and  depth,  .50  m. 

The  altars  belonged  to  a shrine  of  Hercules,  which  con- 
sisted of  a small  recess,  stuccoed  and  painted.  Before  this 
recess,  raised  on  two  gradines,  was  a table,  with  traces  of 
stucco  decoration  that  seem  to  represent  a dance.  The 
altars  when  found  were  overthrown,  but  were  intended  to 
stand  side  by  side  before  the  table  on  a travertine  base, 
.60  m.  X 1-25  m. 

The  altars  are  exactly  alike,  except  for  the  difference  in 
material.  The  base  and  cornice  are  composed  of  simple 
fillet  mouldings  of  various  widths.  The  front  and  back 
faces,  above  the  cornice,  are  finished  by  simple  pointed 
gables.  The  sides  have  plain  pulvini  without  decoration 
of  any  kind  and  of  the  same  diameter  throughout.  The 
top  of  the  altars  is  not  cut  down  between  the  fcLstigia  to 
foirni  a fiat  surface,  as  is  usually  the  case,  but  slopes  up- 
ward to  the  line  connecting  the  angles  of  the  fastigia.  In 


ALTAR  WITH  PLANE  LEAVES, 


CATALOGUE 


53 


the  center  of  this  rooflike  surface  is  a round  shallow  de- 
pression. 

The  shrine  and  the  altars  are  perhaps  to  be  dated  by  a 
titulus  found  in  the  same  place  in  1632,®^  dedicated  to 
Hercules  Victor  by  P.  Plotius  Romanus,  who  was  consul 
suffectus  at  some  period  after  the  time  of  Marcus  Aurelius. 
This  dating  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  at  the  shrine  were 
found  seven  Roman  portrait  heads  of  the  second  century. 

72.  Ara  Tauroholata. 

Museo  Hazionale. 

A quadrangular  marble  altar  of  peculiar  form.  Height, 
.94  m. ; breadth,  at  top,  .22  m. ; depth,  at  top,  .175  m. 

The  altar  is  divided  horizontally  into  three  sections.  The 
lowest,  which  occupies  about  three  quarters  of  the  entire 
height  of  the  altar,  slopes  inward  slightly  from  the  simply 
moulded  base.  On  the  front  face  is  a boucranion,  above 
which  is  the  inscription.  The  next  section,  with  vertical 
outline,  is  decorated  with  acanthus  leaves,  one  at  each  cor- 
ner and  one  in  the  middle  of  each  face,  somewhat  in  the 
manner  of  the  capital  of  a Corinthian  pilaster.  The  top- 
most section  is  a low  quadrangular  block,  considerably  nar- 
rower than  the  section  below  it.  In  the  top  is  a square  hole. 

73.  Altar  with  Plane  Leaves. 

Museo  Hazionale,  Room  XIX. 

Wickhoff,  Roman  Art,  p.  34 ; Strong,  Roman  Sculp- 
ture, p.  69. 

Illustrated:  Wickhoff,  op.  cit.,  PI.  IV;  Strong,  op. 
cit.,  PI.  XXI;  Photo.  Anderson,  4696. 

Marble.  Height,  .74  m. ; breadth,  .865  m. ; depth, 
.72  m. 

« CIL,  VI,  332. 


54 


KOMAN  SACKIFICIAL  ALTARS 


The  altar  was  found  on  the  bank  of  the  Tiber,  on  the 
site  of  the  theater  of  Apollo,  Its  mouldings  are  especially 
rich.  The  base  is  formed  of  a cyma  recta  and  a hawk’s 
beak  moulding,  above  two  plain  narrow  mouldings.  The 
cyma  is  adorned  with  an  elaborate  floral  design,  in  which 
motives  borrowed  from  palmette  forms  and  leaf  patterns 
may  be  recognized.  The  upper  surface  of  the  hawk’s  beak 
moulding  has  a simple  tongue  pattern.  The  cornice  con- 
sists of  a hawk’s  beak  moulding  with  bold  proflle,  deco- 
rated with  a variant  of  the  egg  and  dart  pattern,  in  which 
heart-shaped  motives  alternate  with  shell-like  forms.  Be- 
low this  is  a beaded  moulding.  Each  face  of  the  altar  is 
adorned  with  a boucranion  and  crossed  plane  branches. 
The  boucrania  are,  to  quote  Mrs.  Strong,  ^‘magniflcent  in 
their  realism,”  while  the  delicate  beauty  of  the  plane  leaves 
is  almost  unique  in  Roman  art.  The  grace  of  the  design 
and  the  masterly  technique  of  the  execution  combine  to 
make  it  one  of  the  most  charming  examples  of  Roman  art 
left  to  us.  On  grounds  of  style  it  is  to  be  assigned  to  the 
Augustan  Age. 

The  entire  upper  surface  of  the  altar  is  occupied  by  a 
quadrangular  depression,  about  .05  m,  deep. 

74.  Altar  of  Fortuna. 

Museo  Capitolino. 

OIL,  VI,  182 ; ILS,  3720. 

A quadrangular  marble  altar.  Height,  .76  m.;  breadth, 

.31  m, ; depth,  ,185  m. 

The  base,  cornice  and  sides  of  the  faces  are  moulded. 
The  patera  and  urceus  appear  as  usual.  Above  the  comice 
is  a low  quadrangular  structure,  with  a square  depression 
in  the  middle.  The  front  face  of  this  part  is  adorned  with 
a wreath  tied  with  ribbons.  The  four  corners  were  origi- 


ALTAR  OF  FORTUNA.  No.  74. 


CATALOGUE 


55 


nally  decorated  witli  representations  of  masks;  the  one  on 
the  rear  left  comer  has  been  destroyed. 

75,  Altar  of  Neptune. 

Museo  Capitolino. 

CIL,  X,  6642 ; IL8,  3277 ; Wissowa,  Religion  und 
Cultus  der  Romer,  p,  252. 

Illustrated:  Overbeck,  Atlas  der  Gr.  Kunst-Mytholo- 
gie.  III,  PL  XII,  19. 

A round  marble  altar.  Height,  .63  m. ; diameter,  .36 
m.  It  was  found  at  Anzio,  together  with  nos.  77  and  78. 

The  base  and  cornice  are  moulded.  On  the  front  is  the 
projecting  beak  of  a ship,  below  which  is  a standing  figure 
of  Xeptune.  He  is  nude,  except  for  a cloak  over  the  left 
shoulder.  His  left  hand  grasps  a trident  which  rests  on 
the  ground,  and  in  his  extended  right  hand  he  holds  a dol- 
phin. The  top  has  a circular  cuplike  depression. 

76.  Altar  of  Sol,  Luna,  Apollo  and  Diana. 

Museo  Capitolino. 

CIL,  VI,  31032. 

Marble.  Height,  including  top,  1.03  m. ; without  top, 
.89  m, ; breadth,  .43  m. ; depth,  .37  m. 

The  altar  is  said  to  have  been  found  near  the  Porta  S. 
Sebastiano.  It  has  a moulded  base,  cornice  and  sides,  A 
patera  is  represented  on  the  right  face,  an  urceus  on  the 
left.  In  the  middle  of  the  top  is  a depression,  .28  m.  X *28 
m.  At  the  corners  are  low  horns,  between  which  the  front 
face  rises  in  a curve.  The  middle  of  this  space  is  filled  by 
a wreath  with  fluttering  ribbons ; palmettos  adorn  the  horns, 
and  birds  fill  the  spaces  between  the  wreath  and  the  pal- 
mettes.  The  side  faces  are  terminated  by  a straight  line, 
which  runs  but  little  below  the  tips  of  the  horns.  Below 


56 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL,  ALTARS 


this  line  the  outline  of  the  horns  is  represented  by  chiseling, 
and  a heavy  line  connects  them  a little  above  the  base,  as 
if  to  suggest  the  sunken  space  actually  found  on  the  top. 

77.  Altar  of  Tranquillitas. 

Museo  Capitolino. 

OIL,  X,  6643;  ILS,  3278. 

The  form  and  the  dimensions  are  the  same  as  those  of 
no.  75.  Below  the  rostrum  is  a ship  under  full  sail.  A 
seated  figure  in  the  bow  holds  the  sheets. 

78.  Altar  of  Venti. 

Museo  Capitolino. 

CIL,  X,  6644;  ILS,  3279. 

V.-- 

The  form  and  dimensions  are  the  same  as  those  of  no.  75. 
Below  the  rostrum  is  a flying  figure  with  a trumpet  at  his 
lips.  He  is  nude  except  for  a cloak  about  the  shoulders, 
which  is  blowing  in  the  wind. 

79.  Altar  of  DU  and  Deae. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  119A. 

CIL,  VI,  100;  Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  p.  384. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base 
and  front  face.  The  top  has  a circular  ring. 

80.  Altar  of  Fortuna. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  171. 

CIL,  VI,  183. 

A small  round  marble  altar  with  moulded  base  and  top. 
On  the  front  is  a quadrangular  panel,  slightly  recessed,  on 
which  the  inscription  is  cut.  The  upper  surface  has  a 
round  shallow  depression  between  which  and  the  outer 
edge  of  the  altar  runs  a sunken  ring. 


ALTARS  OF  TRANQUILLITAS,  VENTI’AND  NEPTUNE. 


CATALOOTTE 


57 


81.  Altar  of  Genius  Centuriae. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  172. 

CIL,  VI,  208a-;  Amelung,  8c.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  p. 
291;  Ruggiero,  Diz.  Epig.,  Ill,  15,  478. 

A marble  altar  of  cylindrical  fonn,  flattened  in  front. 
On  the  upper  surface  is  a quadrangular  depression.  The 
altar  dates  from  130  A.  D. 

82.  Altar  of  Jupiter. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  4:24:11. 

CIL,  VI,  290 ; Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  p.  590. 
Illustrated:  Amelung,  op.  cit.,  I,  Taf.  61. 

A very  small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  simply 
moulded  base  and  cornice.  The  greater  part  of  the  top  is 
occupied  by  a shallow  square  depression. 

83.  Altar  of  Jupiter. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  22. 

CIL,  XIV,  2253;  Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I, 
p.  183. 

A quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base,  cor- 
nice and  sides.  The  patera  and  urceus  are  represented  in 
the  usual  positions.  The  top  is  much  broken,  but  seems 
to  have  been  flat,  with  a square  depression  in  the  middle. 

84.  Altar  of  Silvanus. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  153. 

CIL,  VI,  698 ; IL8,  3569 ; Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat. 
Mus.,  I,  p.  280. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  found  on  the  Via 
Labieana.  The  base,  comice  and  sides  of  the  faces  are 
moulded.  The  top  seems  to  have  had  a shallow  depression 
in  the  middle. 


5 


58 


ROMAN  SACBIFICIAl,  ALTARS 


85.  Altar  of  Silvanus. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  186. 

CIL,  VI,  608  ; Amelung,  8c.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  I,  p.  295. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  with  moulded  base, 
cornice  and  front  face.  The  patera  and  urceus  occur  as 
usual.  The  top  is  broken,  but  appears  to  have  had  high 
points  at  front  and  back,  with  a depression  in  the  middle 
running  out  to  the  sides. 

86.  Altar  of  Sol  Invictus  Mithras. 

Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria,  160. 

OIL,  VI,  745. 

A quadrangular  altar  of  coarse  travertine.  The  base  and 
cornice  are  rudely  moulded.  The  workmanship  throughout 
is  rough,  and  the  lettering  poor. 

The  top  is  flat,  with  a shallow  cuplike  depression  in  the 
middle.  This  is  surrounded  by  a ring  raised  to  the  same 
height  above  the  surface  of  the  top  as  the  narrow  band 
which  runs  around  the  edge  of  the  upper  surface.  The 
consular  date  has  not  as  yet  been  definitely  determined. 
It  may  be  154  A.  D.  or  177  A.  D. 

87.  Altar  of  Stata  Mater. 

Vatican,  Museo  Chiaramonti,  95i^. 

CIL,  VI,  763  ; Anfelung,  Sc.  des  Yat.  Mus.,  I,  p.  371. 

Illustrated:  Amelung,  op.  cit.,  I,  Taf.  38. 

A small  quadrangular  marble  altar,  found  in  the  eight- 
eenth century,  near  Florence.  The  front  face  has  a simply 
moulded  base  and  cornice.  The  top  is  depressed  between 
the  front  and  rear  faces,  and  in  the  middle  of  this  depres- 
sion are  the  remains  of  a metal  clamp. 


DEVELOPMEN^T  OF  TYPES 


The  foregoing  catalogue  may  suffice  to  show  that  Roman 
sacrificial  altars  present  in  general  two  widely  different 
types — altars  with  curving  profiles  and  those  with  straight 
profiles.  Questions  as  to  the  origin  of  these  two  types  and 
their  historical  and  religious  significance  naturally  arise, 
and  an  attempt  must  now  be  made  to  give  an  answer  to 
these  queries. 

A study  of  the  development  of  the  first  class  of  altars 
may  well  begin  wih  a list  of  such  altars  and  bases  actually 
in  existence,  and  of  representations  of  them  on  urns  and 
mirrors.  Such  a list  has  been  given  by  Studniczka  in  an 
article  in  the  Jahreshefte  des  Oesterreichischen  ArcTido- 
logischen  Instituts,  Vol.  VI,  1903,^  and  to  this  a few 
other  examples  have  been  added. 

1.  Statue  base  represented  on  an  Etruscan  mirror  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Rationale,  Paris.  The  date  is  about  500 
B.  C.  Fig.  83  in  Studniczka’s  article. 

^ Altdre  mit  Gruienhammern.  The  list  is  given  in  connection  with 
a discussion  of  the  two  tufa  bases  under  the  “Black  Stone”  in  the 
Eoman  Forum.  Studniczka  regards  them  as  bases  for  the  figures  of 
lions  mentioned  in  the  accounts  of  the  Grave  of  Eomulus.  (For  the 
testimonia  cf.  Carter,  The  Death  of  Bomulus,  in  AJA,  Ser.  II,  Vol. 
XIII,  1909,  pp.  19  ff.)  Carter  thinks  they  are  “to  be  restored  into 
the  shape  of  the  so-called  altar  to  Aius  Locutius  on  the  Palatine,  or 
the  altar  of  Verminus  discovered  on  the  Viminal.  . . . The  two  altars 
were  in  all  probability  ornamented  above  with  pulvinaria,  similar  to 
the  altar  on  the  Palatine,  which  would  preclude  the  placing  of  lions 
on  them.”  Studniczka  thinks  the  bases  are  not  older  than  the  fifth 
century  B.  C.  or  later  than  the  second  century  B.  C.  The  upper  limit 
is  probably  correct,  but  as  Hiilsen  has  pointed  out  (BM,  Vol.  XX, 
1905,  pp.  41  fi^.),  altars  and  bases  of  this  form  continued  to  be  used 
at  least  down  to  the  time  of  Sulla. 


59 


60 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


2.  Statue  base  represented  on  a relief  from  Marzabotto. 
Fifth  or  fourth  century  B.  C.  Studniczka,  fig.  84. 

3.  An  altar  represented  on  a red-figured  amphora  in 
Leipzig.  Beginning  of  the  fourth  century  B.  C.  Stud- 
niczka,  fig.  8G. 

4.  An  altar  represented  on  a red-figured  crater  of  Falis- 
can  work.  Fourth  or  third  century  B.  C.  Reinach,  i2eper- 
toire  des  Vases  Feints,  II,  p.  157. 

5.  Altar  from  a representation  of  the  sacrifice  of  Iphi- 
genia  on  a cinerary  urn  of  the  second  century  B.  C.  in 
Perugia.  Studniczka,  fig.  87.  Brunn,  I Rilievi  delle  Ume 
Etrusche,  I,  Tav.  42,  14.  A similar  altar  is  shown  in 
Brunn,  op.  cit.,  I,  Tav.  45,  21. 

6.  Altars,  perhaps  of  Julia  Moneta,  represented  on  coins 
of  the  last  two  decades  of  the  first  century  B.  C.,  the  origi- 
nals being  of  course  of  earlier  date.  Babelon,  Monnaies 
de  la  Republique  Romaine,  I,  pp.  113,  257,  358;  II,  pp. 
99,  251,  404,  524,  525. 

7.  Trachyte  basis  of  a small  cippus  of  polished  serpen- 
tine, the  typical  grave-monument  of  the  Necropolis  of 
Volsinii-Orvieto.  Probably  fifth  or  fourth  century  B.  C. 
Aluseo  Archeologico,  Florence.  Studniczka,  fig.  89.  Cf. 
Gamurrini,  N8,  Ser.  4%  Vol.  Ill,  1887,  pp.  344  ff.,  Tav. 
VII,  1-7. 

8.  A similar  basis  in  the  Berlin  Museum.  Beschreib.  d. 
ant.  Sculpt.,  1244. 

9.  Altar  of  the  locus  sacer  of  Fiesole.  Studniczka,  fig. 
88.  Milani,  Rendiconti  d.  accad.  d.  Lincei,  Vol.  IX,  1900, 
p.  295. 

10.  Miniature  terra  cotta  altars  from  the  Necropolis  on 
the  Esquiline,  in  the  Palazzo  dei  Conservator!,  and  other 
collections.  The  profile  is  curved  only  on  the  sides;  the 
front  is  flat  for  decoration  in  relief.  The  date  is  not 
much  before  200  B.  C.  Mon.  dell’  Inst.,  Vol.  XI,  1879, 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TYPES 


61 


Tav.  10  and  lOA.  Annali,  Vol.  LI,  1879,  pp.  253  ff. ; LII, 
1880,  pp.  322  ff.  Furtwangler,  Antike  Gemmen,  III,  266. 

11.  Capital  block  of  the  statue  basis  of  M.  Claudius 
Marcellus,  consul  for  tbe  second  time  in  155  B.  C.  OIL, 
I,  539  = XI,  1339.  In  Florence. 

12.  Altar  of  Verminus.  Xo.  1 in  the  foregoing  cata- 
logue. Studniczka,  fig.  90. 

13.  Part  of  an  altar,  similar  to  the  preceding.  In  the 
Antiquarium,  Rome. 

14.  Altar  of  Bovillae.  Xo.  2 in  the  catalogue.  Stud- 
niczka, fig.  91. 

15.  Altar  of  Calvinus.  Xo.  3 in  the  foregoing  catalogue. 

16.  Altar  on  a sarcophagus  from  Chiusi.  Studniczka, 
fig.  92.  Mon.  deir  Inst,  1864-69,  Vol.  VIII,  Tav.  2. 

To  these  examples  cited  by  Studniczka  may  be  added 
the  following; 

17.  Altar  represented  on  an  Etruscan  cinerary  um. 
Brunn,  op.  cit,  I,  Tav.  LXIII,  32. 

18.  Altar  represented  on  an  Etruscan  mirror.  Gerhard, 
Etruskische  Spiegel,  I,  38. 

19.  Altar  represented  on  an  Etruscan  mirror.  Gerhard, 
op.  cit.,  II,  239. 

20.  Altar  represented  on  an  Etruscan  mirror,  formerly 
in  the  Campana  collection.  Gerhard,  op.  cit.,  IV,  Taf. 
CCCLI,  1. 

21.  Altar  represented  on  an  Etruscan  mirror  in  the 
Berlin  Museum.  Gerhard,  op.  cit.,  IV,  Taf.  CCCLI,  2. 

22.  Altar  represented  on  an  Etruscan  mirror  in  the  Ber- 
lin Museum.  Gerhard,  op.  cit.,  IV,  Taf.  CCCLI,  3. 

23.  Altar  represented  on  an  Etruscan  mirror.  Gerhard, 
op.  cit,  V,  36. 

24.  Altar  represented  on  an  Etruscan  mirror.  Gerhard, 
op.  cit.,  V,  128. 

25.  Basis  represented  on  an  Etruscan  mirror.  Gerhard, 
op.  cit,  V,  144. 


62 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


26.  A round  altar,  witli  the  characteristic  curving  profile 
and  contraction  at  the  middle,  on  a bronze  relief  in  Copen- 
hagen, of  the  first  century  A.  D.  Published  by  Blinken- 
berg,  Archaeologische  Studien,  Taf.  II.  Same  illustra- 
tion, Roscher,  Lexicon,  article  Sabazios,  fig.  8. 

27.  Altar  or  basis  in  an  Etruscan  tomb  painting.  Mon. 
dell’  Inst.,  Vol.  IX,  1870,  Tav.  XIII. 

28.  Altar  or  basis  in  an  Etruscan  tomb  painting.  An- 
tike  Denkmaler,  II,  42. 

The  Etruscan  character  of  the  large  majority  of  these 
examples  is  evident  at  once.  With  regard  to  only  two  or 
three  of  them  can  any  doubt  be  felt.  Studniczka  makes 
no  statement  as  to  the  workmanship  of  the  red-figured 
amphora,  no.  3,  but  it  may  well  be  Etruscan.  Several  of 
the  triumvirs  whose  names  appear  on  the  coins  under  no.  6 
belong  to  families  of  Etruscan  origin,^  which  may  lend 
some  support  to  the  assumption  that  the  altars®  repre- 
sented on  these  coins  reproduce  Etruscan  forms.  The 
miniature  terra  cotta  altars  from  the  Esquiline  have  been 
thoroughly  discussed  by  Dressel  in  the  articles  mentioned 
above.  If  his  conclusions  are  correct,^  ‘‘the  altars  . . . 
were  probably  manufactured  in  Latium,  but  were  certainly 
made  by  Etruscan  workmen.”  The  additional  examples 
of  this  form  cited  under  nos.  17—28  are  all  undoubtedly 

“ Cf.  for  example,  Annius,  Schulze,  Zur  Geschichte  Lateinischer 
Eigennamen,  p.  122 ; Sisenna,  Schulze,  op.  cit.,  p.  94. 

® Dressel  pointed  out,  Annali,  Vol.  LI,  1879,  p.  281,  n.  4,  that  the 
objects  represented  on  the  series  of  coins  ■were  not  anvils  but  altars. 
This  is  shown  not  only  by  the  striking  resemblance  to  certain  altars, 
but  also  by  the  fact  that  in  some  instances  garlands  are  used  for 
decoration  and  flames  are  represented  on  the  upper  surface. 

* Annali,  1.  c.,  p.  294.  His  conclusions  are  based  on  a comparison 
of  the  altars  with  cistae  from  Praeneste,  and  urns,  mirrors  and  vases 
of  Etruscan  manufacture  (pp.  285-286).  The  use  of  colors  is  also 
characteristically  Etruscan  (pp.  286-287). 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TYPES 


63 


Etruscan,  with  the  possible  exception  of  no.  26.  It  is  not 
known  where  this  relief  was  found,  but  the  style  seems  to 
be  Roman  rather  than  Etruscan.  Leaving  out  of  account 
the  few  cases  in  regard  to  which  any  doubt  may  be  felt,  we 
still  have  convincing  testimony  that  this  type  is  essentially 
Etruscan.®  The  same  fondness  for  curving  or  broken  out- 
lines may  be  seen  in  many  of  the  architectural  forms  em- 
ployed by  the  Etruscans.®  The  facts  then  seem  to  justify 
the  belief  that  the  Altar  of  Verminus,  the  altar  from  Bo- 
villac  and  the  Altar  of  Calvinus  are  Etruscan  in  form. 

In  view  of  the  profound  influence  which  Etruria  exer- 
cised upon  Rome,  it  is  not  surprising  to  And  an  essentially 
Etruscan  type  of  altar  taken  over  by  the  Romans.  The 
people  to  whom  Rome  owed  such  important  institutions  as 
the  science  of  augury,  the  haruspicina  and  the  Capitoline 
Triad  may  well  have  left  traces  of  their  influence  in  lesser 
religious  matters.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  men  who 
dedicated  the  three  Roman  altars  of  this  type  came  from 
families  of  Etruscan  origin.  This  possibility  finds  support 
in  the  names  of  the  dedicators,  which  in  the  ease  of  the 
Altar  of  Verminus  and  the  Altar  of  Calvinus  show  forms 
that  are  clearly  Etruscan.'^  In  view  of  these  considera- 
tions it  seems  not  altogether  hazardous  to  venture  the  sug- 
gestion that  the  mysterious  Verminus  of  the  altar  erected 
by  A.  Postumius  Albinus  may  be  an  Etruscan  divinity, 
whom  the  dedicator  sought  to  honor  by  this  monument 
erected  in  Rome.  This  hypothesis  can  hardly  be  tested, 
however,  in  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge  of  the 
Etruscan  language. 

Why  is  it  that  so  few  altars  of  this  type  have  been  found 
in  Rome  ? Its  limited  employment  may  have  been  due  to 

' The  Etruscan  character  of  this  type  has  been  pointed  out  before, 
for  example,  by  Blinkenberg,  op.  cit.,  note  54. 

“Of.  for  example,  Martha,  L’Art  Etrusque,  figs.  132,  151,  161. 

’ Cf.  Schulze,  op.  cit.,  on  Sextius  and  Postumius. 


64 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


the  theory  suggested  above:  that  it  was  a form  favored 
especially  by  men  of  Etruscan  ancestry,  and  so  may  never 
have  been  adopted  by  the  great  mass  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Eome.  It  seems  to  have  been  given  up  comparatively 
early,  and  possibly  for  that  reason  fewer  examples  of  the 
type  have  been  preserved.  It  is  impossible  now  to  deter- 
mine the  causes  which  led  to  its  disuse.  The  explanation 
is  perhaps  to  be  sought  in  changing  religious  tendencies, 
and  the  coming  in  of  other  influences  more  or  less  opposed 
to  the  Etruscan ; but  of  this  we  cannot  be  sure. 

The  question  now  arises  as  to  whether  this  form  was 
worked  out  by  the  Etruscans  after  they  reached  their  final 
home  on  Italian  soil,  or  whether  they  brought  it  with  them 
in  their  migrations  from  earlier  abiding  places.  This 
question  involves  the  whole  Etruscan  problem,  with  all  the 
difficulties  which  up  to  the  present  time  at  least  seem  almost 
incapable  of  solution.  Yet  some  progress  has  been  made 
in  recent  years,  and  it  is  now  generally  thought  that  the 
tradition  preserved  by  Herodotus®  is  in  its  main  outlines 
correct.  According  to  this  tradition  the  ancestors  of  the 
Etruscans  came  out  of  the  East,  and  after  various  stops 
along  the  way  finally  came  by  sea  to  the  southern  and 
western  coasts  of  Italy.®  This  theory  of  an  eastern  origin 
finds  strong  support  in  the  similarity  of  many  of  the  insti- 
tutions of  the  Etruscans  to  those  of  the  Babylonians.^® 

« I,  94. 

” Cf.  Pauly-Wissowa,  Beal-Encyclopaedie,  article  Etruslcer  by  Korte, 
and  Historische  Zeitschrift,  III,  12,  1912,  pp.  1 ff.,  article  by  von 
Scala  on  Die  Anfdnge  Geschichtlichen  Lebens  in  Italien. 

Cf . Pauly-Wissowa,  op.  cit.,  6,,  744;  Carter,  The  Beligious  Life 
of  Ancient  Borne,  p.  19,  and  especially  Die  EtrusMsche  Disciplin  by 
Thulin  in  Goteborgs  Eogskolas  Arsshrift,  Vol.  XI,  1905.  In  the 
introduction  to  this  last-named  work  these  relations  are  discussed, 
and  the  similarity  pointed  out  in  matters  of  astrology  and  divination, 
especially  the  haruspicina,  in  the  observation  and  interpretation  of 
nature,  and  in  various  artistic  and  architectural  forms.  Mention 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TYPES 


65 


There  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that  at  one  period  of  their 
history  they  were  closely  in  touch  with  the  civilization  of 
the  eastern  Mediterranean  basin.  In  the  words  of  von 
Scala/^  ‘‘Die  Etrusker  erscheinen  . . , als  ein  Volk  des 
kretisch-minoischen  Kulturkreises,  deni  sie  durch  die  Be- 
waffnung  (Helm  und  Schwert),  durch  die  Doppelaxt, 
durch  die  Haustypen  und  Grabbauten,  durch  Goldtechnik 
und  Weissagungskunst,  durch  einzelne  Buchstaben  ohne 
dies  nahezustehen  schienen.”  The  conclusion  of  von  Licht- 
enberg^^  may  also  be  cited:  “Auf  diese  Weise  gelangten 
die  tyrrhenischen  Turuscha  nach  Italien,  wo  es  ihnen  ge- 
lang,  Teile  der  Westkiiste  zu  besetzen,  durch  Blutmischung 
auch  weiter  ins  Innere  ein  zu  dringen  und  so  das  Misch- 
volk  der  Etrusker  und  das  etruskische  Staatswesen  zu 
begrunden.  Lange  genug  waren  sie  aber  mit  agaischen 
Vdlkern  auf  der  Wanderung  gewesen,  um  auch  von  deren 
Kultus  einiges  auf  zu  nehmen,  so  dass  auch  die  altesten 
etruskischen  Denkmaler  neben  sicher  Fremden  auch 
agaische  Bestandteile  aufweisen.” 

Inasmuch  as  the  theory  of  the  Asiatic  origin  of  the 
Etruscans  is  now  held  by  many,  a study  of  Etruscan  altars 
will  naturally  include  an  examination  of  the  altar-forms 
employed  by  the  peoples  of  the  Asiatic  mainland.  If  we 
are  to  look  to  the  East  for  the  ancestors  of  the  Etruscans, 
we  may  expect  to  find  some  resemblance  between  Asiatic 
altar-forms  and  those  which  as  we  have  seen  are  decidedly 
characteristic  of  the  Etruscan  civilization.  Religion  is 
always  one  of  the  most  conservative  of  the  forces  affecting 
mankind,  and  if  these  connections  actually  existed,  it  is 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  religious  institutions  of  the 

should  also  be  made  of  the  work  of  Muller,  Deeeke,  and  Boissier  in 
this  connection.  (Cf.  Thulin,  op.  cit.,  p.  XII.) 

Zeitschrift,  1.  c.,  p.  22. 

“X>ie  Aegaische  Kultur,  p.  142. 


66 


EOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


peoples  concerned  would  bear  some  witness  to  tbe  fact. 
The  characteristic  Etruscan  altar-form  is  so  individual  that 
when  found  among  different  peoples  it  may  almost  be  ac- 
cepted as  proof  that  some  close  relationship  existed  between 
them.  If,  therefore,  it  can  be  shown  that  the  peculiar 
form  of  altar  which  we  have  called  the  “Etruscan,”  and 
which  as  we  shall  see  later  was  used  also  by  the  Myceneans 
and  Cretans,  occurs  on  the  Asiatic  mainland,  it  may  be 
accepted  as  one  more  bit  of  evidence  of  a connection  be- 
tween Etruria  and  Babylonia. 

A study  of  the  Asiatic  foiuns  may  conveniently  be  made 
with  the  help  of  two  works  by  William  Hayes  Ward.^® 
Here  have  been  gathered  together  representations  of  Asiatic 
scenes  of  sacrifice,  especially  as  found  on  the  seal  cylinders. 
The  Babylonian  altars  show  two  distinct  and  clearly  marked 
types.  In  the  words  of  Ward,^'*  “one  of  these  is  a square 
altar,  reduced  on  one  side  near  the  top  by  a step,  so  that  it 
constitutes  two  shelves.”^®  “ It  was  probably  a light  con- 
struction, of  reeds  or  palmleaf  stems,  and  so  not  suitable 
for  the  burning  of  a victim.’”®  The  earliest  representa- 
tion of  this  type  is  on  “ a very  archaic  shell  cylinder  which, 
if  we  can  judge  from  its  style,  is  considerably  older  than 
the  time  of  Sargon  I,  whose,  date  has  been  usually  assigned, 
on  the  authority  of  Habonidos,  to  3800  B.  C.,  although 
Lehmann  and  others  who  follow  him  believe  that  this  date 

“Appendix  G to  Curtiss’  Primitive  Semitic  Beligion  Today.  This 
appendix  treats  of  Altars  and  Sacrifices  in  the  Primitive  Art  of 
Babylonia.  Also  The  Seal  Cylinders  of  Western  Asia,  Chap.  LXVI 
on  Altars  and  Sacrifices. 

“ Seal  Cylinders,  p.  360.  Cf.  also  Curtiss,  op.  cit.,  p.  267. 

For  illustrations  cf.  Seal  Cylinders,  figs.  1229—1233,  and  Curtiss, 
op.  cit.,  App.  G,  figs.  1-4.  Five  examples  of  this  type  are  now  known. 
Cf.  also  AJA,  Ser.  I,  Vol.  II,  1886,  p.  263,  fig.  30,  and  Vol,  VI,  1890, 
PI.  XVIII,  4. 

Seal  Cylinders,  p.  361. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TYP^JS 


67 


is  a thousand  years  too  early.” It  is  noteworthy  that 
altars  of  similar  form  are  occasionally  found  on  Greek 
vases. 

Representations  of  the,  second  type  are  more  numerous.^® 
This  is  what  Ward  has  called  the  “hourglass”  form.^® 
The  altar  in  these  cases  appears  to  be  round,  and  is  more 
or  less  contracted  at  the  middle.  In  some  instances  it  is 
absolutely  plain,  without  mouldings  at  the  top  or  bottom 
or  at  the  middle.^^  A close  parallel  is  afforded  by  the 
altars  on  the  Mycenaean  gems  to  be  cited  later,^^  which 
are  likewise  perfectly  plain.  The  only  noticeable  differ- 
ences are  that  the  outline  of  the  Mycenaean  altars  is  some- 
times represented  by  double,  lines,  instead  of  a single  one, 
as  is  invariably  the  case  in  the  Babylonian  forms,  and  that 
the  sides  of  the  Mycenaean  altars  show  a more  pronounced 
concave  curve  than  do  the  Babylonian  examples.  The  out- 
line, however,  is  essentially  the  same. 

In  other  instances  the  Babylonian  altars  have  a single  or 
double  torus  moulding  at  the  narrowest  point,^®  which  is 
usually  at  the  middle  of  the  altar,  though  this  is  not  always 
the  case.^^  ISTone  of  the  Mycenaean  altars  show  this  fea- 

” Curtiss,  op.  cit.,  p.  267.  For  the  most  recent  discussion  of 
Sargon’s  date  cf.  The  Nation  for  March  14,  1912,  in  which  Professor 
Jastrow  reviews  a paper  b7  Professor  Vincent  Sheil,  of  Paris.  Sheil 
has  shown,  on  the  evidence  of  a new  cuneiform  tablet,  that  2500  B.  C. 
is  the  earliest  possible  date  for  Sargon. 

“Cf.  for  example,  a sacrificial  scene  on  a black-figured  amphora, 
Baumeister,  Denlcmdler,  I,  fig.  164. 

“ Cf . Curtiss,  op.  cit.,  App.  G,  figs.  5-14 ; Seal  Cylinders,  figs. 

1234- 1248. 

“ Curtiss,  op.  cit.,  pp.  269  ff. ; Seal  Cylinders,  pp.  361  ff. 

^ Curtiss,  op.  cit.,  App.  G,  figs.  5,  8,  10,  12,  13 ; Seal  Cylinders,  figs. 
1239,  1240,  1243,  1245. 

“ For  illustrations  cf.  JNS,  Vol.  XXI,  1901,  figs.  36-38. 

““  Curtiss,  op.  cit.,  App.  G,  figs.  6,  7,  9,  11,  14 ; Seal  Cylinders,  figs. 

1235- 1238,  1241,  1242,  1244,  1247,  1248. 

Cf.  for  example.  Seal  Cylinders,  fig.  1242,  where  the  narrowest 
diameter  is  above  the  middle,  and  fig.  1244,  where  it  is  below  the 
middle. 


68 


KOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


tiire,  but  a very  close  parallel  is  found  in  the  altar  on  the 
bronze  relief  published  by  Blinkenberg^®  already  referred 
to.^®  Here  the  altar,  apparently,  is  round,  which  is  not 
the  case  with  Mycenaean  altars,  and  it  is  bound  by  a torus 
moulding  at  the  narrowest  point.  It  differs  from  the  Baby- 
lonian forms  in  having  a base  and  top  formed  of  separate 
plinths,  and  in  having  its  sides  fluted.  In  spite  of  these 
differences,  it  shows  an  astonishing  similarity  to  the  Baby- 
lonian examples.  Other  altars  of  the  Etruscan  form,  such 
as  the  Altar  of  Bovillae,^'^  although  quadrangular  in  plan, 
have  a torus  at  the  narrowest  point,  and  so  are  closely  anal- 
ogous to  this  Babylonian  type.  As  a general  rule,  the 
diameter  of  the  base  and  top  in  the  Babylonian  altars  is  the 
same,  but  in  some  cases,  usually  where  the  narrowest  diam- 
eter is  above  or  below  the  middle,  one  measure  is  greater 
than  the  other. 

A parallel  for  this  peculiarity  is  again  afforded  by  the 
Mycenaean  gems^®  and  by  many  of  the  examples  cited  in 
the  list  of  Etruscan  altars  and  bases.®®  An  altar  repre- 
sented in  Seal  Cylinders,  fig.  1241,  bears  an  especial  re- 
semblance to  some  of  the  Etruscan  forms. Some  of  the 
Babylonian  examples  are  exceedingly  slender,  almost  col- 
umnar,®® and  others  again  are  very  thick.®®  These  varia- 

“ Archaeologische  Studien,  pp.  66  ff.  and  Taf.  II. 

“ No.  26  in  the  list  of  Etruscan  altars  and  bases. 

” No.  2 in  the  catalogue. 

® Cf.  for  example,  Seal  Cylinders,  figs.  1244,  1245,  1248 ; Curtiss, 
op.  cit.,  App.  G,  figs.  7 and  8. 

“ Cf.  JHS,  Vol.  XXI,  1901,  p.  159,  fig.  37. 

Cf.  for  example,  nos.  1,  3,  7,  22. 

Eor  example,  no.  22  in  the  list  of  Etruscan  altars  and  bases. 
Illustrated,  Gerhard,  Etrushische  Spiegel,  V,  36. 

“ Cf.  Seal  Cylinders,  figs.  1235, 1239,  1240 ; Curtiss,  op.  cit.,  App.  G, 
figs.  8,  10,  11. 

“ Cf.  Seal  Cylinders,  fig.  1247 ; Curtiss,  op.  cit.,  App.  G,  fig.  14. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TYPES 


69 


tions  reappear  in  the  Mycenaean  and  Etruscan  forms. 
This  “ hourglass  ” type,  also,  is  of  extreme  antiquity.®^ 

The  Assyrian,  Persian  and  Hittite  altars,  as  well  as 
Babylonian,  may  be  studied  with  the  help  of  cylinders. 
The  Assyrian  forms^*^  present  greater  variety  than  the 
Babylonian,  but  there  is  nothing  very  similar  to  the  “ hour- 
glass” type.  The  altars  represented  in  Seal  Cylinders, 
figs.  1259—1261,  have  curving  outlines  and  salient  mem- 
bers, and  so  bear  some  resemblance  to  certain  Etruscan 
forms.  Representations  of  Persian  altars  are  rare,®®  and 
when  they  do  occur,  there  is  no  close  resemblance  to  Baby- 
lonian forms.  The  same  is  true  of  Hittite  altars.®'^  A 
study  of  the  available  material  shows  that  among  Asiatic 
forms  the  ‘‘hourglass  ” type  of  altar  is  peculiar  to  Babylonia. 

In  view  of  what  is  generally  accepted  as  a fact,  namely, 
that  the  Etruscans  at  some  period  prior  to  their  arrival  in 
Italy  were  in  close  touch  with  the  bearers  of  the  Mycenaean- 
Cretan  culture,  a brief  examination  must  be  made  of  the 
forms  which  altars  and  bases  assume  in  the  lands  affected 
by  this  civilization. 

It  is  at  once  evident  that  altars  or  bases  of  the  “ Etrus- 
can” type — i.  e.,  with  incurving  sides — were  frequently 
used  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean  basin. 
Two  familiar  examples  that  have  been  known  for  many 
years  occur  on  the  Lions’  Gate  of  Mycenae,  and  on  the 
small  gold  “dove-shrines,”  three  of  which  were  found  in 
the  Fourth  Shaft  Grave  of  the  Necropolis  on  the  same 
site.®®  The  form  in  each  of  these  instances  is  practically 

^ Seal  Cylinders,  p.  361;  Curtiss,  op.  cit.,  p.  269. 

“ Seal  Cylinders,  figs.  1253-1261 ; Billerbeck  and  Delitzsch,  Die 
Palasttore  Salmanesers  II  von  Balawat,  Taf . I A ; Perrot  and  Chipiez, 
Histoire  de  I’ Art,  II,  figs.  107-109. 

Seal  Cylinders,  figs.  1262-1264. 

” Seal  Cylinders,  figs.  1266-1268. 

For  illustrations  cf.  Schliemann,  Mycenae  and  Tiryns,  PL  III 


70 


KOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


the  same.  The  sides  curve  inward  strongly,  and  plain 
quadrangular  plinths  fonn  the  base  and  upper  member. 
It  is  difficult  to  determine  whether  the  structures  on  the 
Lions’  Gate  are  altars  or  bases.  Evans,  whose  wide  ac- 
quaintance with  Mycenaean  forms  makes  his  opinion  au- 
thoritative, regards  them  as  altars.^®  In  either  case  the 
relief  is  valuable,  as  giving  us  a representation  of  the 
Mycenaean  altar  or  basis  on  a large  scale.  Considering 
the  fact  that  the  small  gold  reliefs  are  generally  regarded 
as  representing  a triple  shrine,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
the  object  apparently  on  the  roof  of  the  central  part  of  the 
sanctuary  is  an  altar.  Evans  describes  it  as  a “ Mycenaean 
altar  of  the  ordinary  type.”^^’  At  least  three  other  altars 
of  this  form  are  represented  on  gems  from  Mycenae.  In 
each  case  the  altar  serves  as  a base  on  which  rest  the  fore- 
paws of  two  heraldically  opposed  animals,  as  on  the  Lions’ 
Gate.  On  the  first  gem^^  the  representation  of  the  altar 
is  very  similar  to  that  on  the  dove-shrines.  The  sides  are 
represented  by  two  strongly  curving  lines  on  each  side,  the 
innermost  of  which  meet  at  the  center;  the  quadrangular 
base  and  top  are  represented  by  parallel  lines.  At  the 
sides  of  the  top,  projecting  but  little  above  the  upper  sur- 
face, are  almond-shaped  appendages.  The  altar  on  the 
second  gem^^  differs  from  the  others  in  having  a base  which 
is  only  about  half  the  width  of  the  top.  The  upper  sur- 
face in  this  case  is  finished  at  the  sides  by  round  append- 
ages. The  third  gem^®  shows  an  altar  of  similar  form, 

JHS,  Vol.  XXI,  1901,  p.  157. 

« JHS,  1.  c.,  p.  191. 

“ Illustrated,  JHS,  1.  c.,  p.  158,  fig.  36 ; Tsountas  and  Manatt, 
Mycenaean  Age,  p.  254,  fig.  131;  Purtwangler,  Antiice  Gemmen,  III, 
p.  44,  fig.  18. 

“Illustrated,  JHS,  1.  c.,  p.  159,  fig.  37;  >E<j>.  ’Apx-,  1888,  PI.  X,  30; 
Purtwangler,  op.  cit.,  PI.  Ill,  24. 

“Illustrated,  JHS,  1.  c.,  p.  159,  fig.  38;  ’E<f>.  ’Apx-,  1888,  PI.  X,  2; 
Purtwangler,  op.  cit.,  PI.  Ill,  23. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TYPES 


71 


represented  in  a much  simpler  fashion.  The  top  and  bot- 
tom are  not  differentiated  from  the  rest  of  the  altar,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  other  gems,  and  single  lines  are  used  for 
the  upper  and  loveer  surfaces.  The  base  is  slightly  broader 
than  the  top, 

A fourth  gem,  from  the  Idaean  Cave  in  Crete,  shovrs  an 
altar  closely  resembling  this  in  form.  The  chief  difference 
is  that  the  top  slightly  exceeds  the  base  in  breadth.  This 
series  of  six  representations  may  be  sufficient  to  show  that 
altars  and  bases  of  the  “ Etruscan  ” form  were  used  by  the 
Myeenaeans  and  Cretans,  particularly  in  their  tree  and 
pillar  cult.^^  As  in  the  case  of  the  Etruscans,  this  type 
may  have  been  derived  from  the  Asiatic  mainland. 

It  is  evident  from  the  foregoing  discussion  that  altars 
with  curving  outlines  and  boldly  projecting  members  are 
found  in  Rome  itself,  in  Etruria,  in  various  part-s  of  the 
eastern  Mediterranean  basin,  and  in  Babylonia.  Although 
these  altars  present  many  individual  variations,  they  all 
show  these  strongly  marked  peculiarities,  and  these  fea- 
tures are  so  characteristic  that  they  may  be  regarded  as 
affording  some  evidence  of  a connection  among  the  peoples 
who  employed  these  forms.  Such  connections  have  indeed 
long  been  regarded  as  established  in  the  case  of  some  of  the 
peoples  with  whom  we  are  here  concerned ; in  others  they 
are  little  more  than  hypothetical.  There  is  no  doubt  what- 
ever that  Rome  was  profoundly  influenced  by  Etruria  in 
matters  of  religion  and  art.^®  To  what  extent  the  Etrus- 
cans were  indebted  to  the  Aegean  civilization  is  an  open 

^Although  they  do  not  afford  an  exact  parallel  in  the  matter  of 
form,  an  interesting  analogy  is  offered  by  the  small  stone  “tables 
of  offerings”  which  were  found  around  the  altar  in  the  Dictaean 
Cave,  in  Crete.  They  show  the  fondness  of  the  Minoans  for  broken 
or  curving  outlines.  Illustrated,  BSA,  Vol.  VI,  1899-1900,  PI,  XI, 
especially  nos.  3 and  4. 

Cf.  for  example,  Walters,  The  Art  of  the  Bomans,  p.  14. 


72 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


question/®  but  the  survival  of  certain  Mycenaean  forms 
in  the  Etruscan  civilization  would  seem  to  point  to  a con- 
tact between  the  two  peoples  at  some  period  in  their  his- 
tory. If  the  Etruscans  arrived  in  Italy  about  800  B. 
it  may  well  be  that  in  their  journey  westward  they  were 
for  a time  under  the  influence  of  the  last  manifestations 
of  the  Aegean  culture  before  its  final  eclipse  by  the  brighter 
light  of  classical  Greece.  However  that  may  he,  and  what- 
ever the  relations  of  the  Aegean  civilization  to  those  of  Asia 
may  have  been — and  undoubtedly  the  influence  of  Asia 
upon  the  eastern  Mediterranean  basin  was  strong^® — it 
seems  clear  that  certain  of  the  religious  institutions  of  the 
Etruscans  were  derived  from  those  of  Babylonia,  which 
renders  extremely  probable  the  theory  that  the  Etruscans 
came  out  of  the  East.^®  To  the  evidence  pointing  to  this 
conclusion  already  gathered  may  now  be  added  the  fact  that 
Etruscan  altars  show  many  points  in  common  with  those 
employed  by  the  Babylonians. 

The  second  class  of  altars  presents  no  problems  of  espe- 

“ Cf.  for  example,  Blinkenberg,  Darstellungen  des  Sabazios,  in 
Arch.  Studien,  n.  54:  “Ich  war  seit  jeher  der  Meinung,  dass  die 
altetruskische  Basis-  und  Altar-form  von  der  mykenischen  abgeleitet 
ist.  . . . Mykenisches  Erbgut  findet  sieh  ja  aueh  in  anderen  altitali- 
schen  Kunstformen  wieder.  ” Pauly -Wissowa,  Beal-Enc.,  6,,  746; 
‘ ‘ Ein  direkter  Einfluss  mykenischer  Kultur  auf  Mittelitalien  ist 
sicherlich  ausgeschlossen.  ” (Korte.)  Von  Lichtenberg,  Die  Aegaische 
Kultur,  p.  156:  “So  zeigt  die  ganze  etruskische  Kultur  eine  Ver- 
mischung  einheimisch  etruskischer,  also  doch  kleinasiatischer  Gedanken 
mit  grieehisch-agaischen,  wie  ja  auch  das  Volk  selbst  ein  Miscbvolk 
aus  arisehen  und  kleinasiatischen  Elementen  war.”  Cf.  also  Peet  in 
BSA,  Vol.  XIII,  1906-1907,  The  Early  Aegean  Civilisation  in  Italy. 

” Carter,  The  Beligious  Life  of  Aneient  Borne,  p.  17. 

Cf.  von  Lichtenberg,  op.  eit.,  pp.  137  ff. 

‘‘Carter,  op.  cit.,  p.  19;  Pauly- Wissowa,  Beal-Enc.,  6,,  744;  Korte, 
Die  Bronzeleber  von  Piaeenza  in  BM,  Vol.  XX,  1905,  pp.  348  fP.,  espe- 
cially p.  377:  “Die  Etrusker  haben  die  Kunst  der  Eingeweideschau 
allem  Anschein  nach  noch  in  der  alten  kleinasiatischen  Heimat  iiber- 
nommen,  weiter  ausgebildet  wohl  erst  in  Italien.  ” 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TYPES 


73 


cial  interest.  The  quadrangular  altar  with  straight  sides, 
the  simplest  and  most  easily  constructed  form,  was  used 
by  all  the  ancient  peoples  that  concern  us  here.  The  round 
altars  were  a later  development  of  the  same  type,  which 
was  especially  favored  by  the  Greeks.  The  four  subdi- 
visions of  Class  II  will  be  treated  briefly  in  turn. 

The  pulvinus  of  many  Roman  sacrificial  altars  is  a fea- 
ture which  is  more  or  less  distinctively  Roman.  It  does 
not  appear  on  Etruscan  altars,  and  in  its  characteristic 
Roman  form  at  least  was  not  used  by  the  Greeks.  There 
are  many  examples  of  Greek  altars  the  upper  surface  of 
which  is  treated  like  an  Ionic  capital,®®  but  in  no  case  are 
the  pulvini  as  sharply  differentiated  from  the  central  part 
of  the  upper  surface  as  in  the  majority  of  Roman  altars. 
An  organic  connection  is  always  felt  as  existing  between 
the  pulvini  and  the  surface  between  them.  An  Ionic  capi- 
tal has  been  extended  laterally  until  it  is  wide  enough  to 
serve  as  the  crowning  member  of  the  altar.  In  some  cases 
a square  plinth  is  placed  above  the  pulvini  in  the  fashion 
of  an  abacus,®^  so  that  the  resemblance  to  a capital  is  fur- 
ther emphasized.  Another  essentially  Ionic  feature  is  the 
palmette  which  is  sometimes  placed  in  the  angle  of  the 
volute,®^  as  on  the  capitals  of  the  Propylaea  in  Athens.®^ 
Again,  a decorated  moulding  similar  to  the  necking  of  a 
capital  is  sometimes  added  below  the  pulvini.^*  These 
facts  show  that  this  form  of  top  in  Greek  altars®®  was  archi- 

”For  example,  AZ,  N.  F.,  Ill,  1871,  Taf.  45,  33;  AJA,  Ser.  II, 
Vol.  rV,  1900,  p.  185;  Hartwig,  Meisterschalen,  XL;  WV,  V,  6,  1-2; 
Furtwangler-Eeiehliold,  Gr.  Vasenmalerei,  73. 

” Heydemann,  Gr.  Vasenbilder,  IX,  1. 

“ Overbeck,  Atlas,  V,  20,  9. 

“Bohn,  Die  Propylaeen  der  Acropolis  su  Athen,  Taf.  12;  Mar- 
quand,  Greek  Architecture,  p.  198,  fig.  231. 

Vol.  XI,  1853,  Taf.  LV. 

“Many  of  the  representations  of  this  type  of  Greek  altar  present 
a peculiar  feature  which  cannot  be  readily  explained  by  the  existing 


6 


74 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


tectiirally  conceived  and  treated,  which  is  not  the  case  in 
the  Roman  altars  that  approach  this  form  most  nearly.®® 
The  Greek  form  is  therefore  fundamentally  different  from 
the  fulvinus,  which  in  many  instances  has  little  or  no 
Ionic  character.  A dependence  upon  Ionic  models  is  most 
clearly  to  be  seen  in  the  earliest  dated  Roman  altar  with 
pulvini — the  altar  of  Calvinus  on  the  Palatine.  Here  the 
upper  surface  between  the  pulvini  is  not  flat,  as  in  the 
later  altars  of  this  type,  but  is  carried  across  in  a shallow 
curve  recalling  the  sagging  channels  of  many  Ionic  capi- 
tals.®^ The  similarity  in  style  between  this  altar  and  the 
sarcophagus  of  Cornelius  Scipio  in  the  Vatican  has  already 
been  mentioned.  In  the  case  of  the  sarcophagus  the  Ionic 
character  is  heightened  by  the  floral  forms,  apparently  lotos 
buds,  placed  in  the  angles  of  the  volutes.  A peculiar  fea- 
ture characteristic  of  the  Corinthian  style  is  found  in  the 
cauliculi  from  which  the  volutes  spring.®® 

In  the  later  altars,  such  as  that  of  Silvanus  found  at 

monuments  or  by  literary  evidence.  ( WV,  V,  6, 1-2 ; Murray,  Designs 
from  Greek  Vases  in  the  British  Museum,  IX,  33;  Annali,  Vol.  XXI, 
1849,  Tav.  D;  AJA,  Ser.  11^  Vol.  IV,  1900,  p.  185.)  An  extra  mem- 
ber is  represented  above  the  pulvini,  extending  across  the  entire  top 
of  the  altar.  It  usually  follows  the  curve  of  the  pulvini  quite  closely, 
and  often  ends  above  the  volutes  in  more  or  less  of  a point.  The 
fact  that  an  offering  or  flames  are  represented  in  very  few  cases 
where  this  feature  is  found  seems  to  show  that  it  is  not  intended  to 
represent  a portable  adjunct  placed  upon  the  altar  at  the  time  of 
sacrifice.  It  may  simply  be  the  artist's  attempt  to  represent  from 
the  front  the  rear  pulvini  of  the  altar,  which  he  found  beyond  his 
power  to  draw  in  correct  perspective. 

“ The  origin  and  development  of  the  Eoman  pulvini  will  be  dis- 
cussed later. 

" For  example,  those  of  the  Propylaea  at  Athens,  and  the  Erec- 
theum.  Marquand,  Greek  Architecture,  figs.  231  and  234. 

“A  note  in  Altmann’s  Architectur  und  Ornamentik  der  Antiken 
Sarcophage,  p.  44,  is  apparently  to  be  interpreted  as  meaning  that 
the  same  feature  occurs  on  the  altar  of  Calvinns,  but  the  altar  in  its 
present  state  at  least  seems  to  have  no  trace  of  such  a form. 


DEVELOPMENT  OE  TYPES 


75 


Ostia,  the  altar  of  C.  Manlius  in  the  Lateran,  and  the  altar 
of  the  Vicomagistri  in  the  Capitoline,  the  pulvinus  is 
treated  as  a member  entirely  separate  from  the  rest  of  the 
top,  and  having  no  organic  connection  v?ith  it.  It  is  as 
independently  conceived  as  if  it  were  separately  worked 
and,  laid  when  completed  in  position  on  the  top  of  the  altar. 
This  structural  independence  is  even  more  apparent  in  the 
altar  in  the  Temple  of  Vespasian  at  Pompeii®®  and  in  the 
altars  of  Juturna  and  of  the  Dioscuri  in  the  Eoman  Forum. 
In  the  altars  first  mentioned  the  pulvinus  is  placed  some- 
what below  the  level  of  the  upper  surface  of  the  altar,  and 
is  therefore  slightly  subordinated  to  it,  but  in  the  other 
examples  it  lies  almost  entirely  above  the  upper  plinth, 
and  as  a result  is  completely  independent  structurally  of 
the  rest  of  the  altar. 

In  spite  of  the  breaking  away  from  Ionic  tradition,  if 
indeed  this  was  ever  effective  for  any  length  of  time  in  the 
history  of  the  type,  some  traces  of  Ionic  influence  are  rec- 
ognizable in  the  pulvinus,  especially  in  its  form  and  deco- 
ration. The  contraction  at  the  middle,  the  braided  or 
twisted  halteus  and  the  use  of  small  scalelike  leaves,  or  of 
long  slender  pointed  ones,  for  the  decoration  of  the  pul- 
vinus, are  all  features  that  occur  again  and  again  in  the 
Ionic  capital.  The  decoration  of  the  ends  of  the  pulvini 
with  floral  forms  instead  of  the  volutes  of  the  Ionic  capital 
is  a natural  result  of  the  independence  of  Ionic  influence. 

Any  evidence  then  to  show  that  the  pulvinus  of  the 
Roman  altar  was  a direct  imitation  of  the  Ionic  capital  is 
so  slight  as  to  make  the  connection  a matter  of  great  uncer- 
tainty. Only  in  one  altar  of  an  early  date  is  much  of 
strictly  Ionic  character  to  be  found,  and  the  great  majority 
■ show  little  in  common  with  Ionic  forms  except  the  decora- 


Photo.  Alinari,  11408. 


76 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


tion,  whicli  is  naturally  a field  where  superficial  resem- 
blances very  readily  occur. 

It  seems  far  easier  and  more  natural  to  explain  the  pul- 
vinus  merely  as  the  development  of  some  simple  means 
employed  by  the  priests  and  attendants  in  early  times  to 
keep  the  sacrificial  fire  in  place  on  the  altar  and  as  a pro- 
tection against  the  wind.  A more  elaborate  device  is  found 
in  the  canopy  or  hood  which  is  occasionally  represented  as 
in  use  on  altars.®®  The  fact  that  for  motives  of  conve- 
nience the  sacrificial  altar  was  regularly  placed  in  the 
forecourt  of  the  temple  and  not  within  the  building  itself 
would  frequently  render  some  such  means  of  protection 
necessary.  In  view  of  the  simple  character  of  early  Roman 
religion  it  may  not  be  too  fanciful  to  suppose  that  two  of 
the  logs  brought  for  the  building  of  the  sacrificial  fire  were 
placed  at  the  sides  of  the  rude  altar  of  turf  or  fieldstone 
as  a means  of  protection  against  the  spreading  and  scatter- 
ing of  the  fire.  When,  with  the  establishment  of  settled 
forms  in  religion  and  a more  elaborate  ritual,  permanent 
altars  became  the  rule,  this  simple  expedient  may  have 
been  translated  into  stone  and  gradually  assumed  the  form 
we  find  upon  the  altars  of  the  late  Republic  and  the  Em- 
pire. A similarity  to  Ionic  forms  would  undoubtedly  in- 
fluence its  evolution  and  its  decoration,  the  naturalistic 
character  of  which  in  many  cases  may  have  recalled  the 
earlier  device. 

The  altars  with  hornshaped  appendages  at  the  corners, 
included  in  Class  II,  B,  form  a relatively  small  group,  only 

Cf.  for  example,  a Pompeian  wall  painting,  illustrated  in  Gazette 
Archeologique,  Vol.  IV,  1878,  PI.  II;  Annali,  Vol.  XXXIX,  1867,  p. 
106,  and  Tav.  E,  reproducing  a drawing  from  an  unknown  original, 
formerly  in  the  possession  of  Braun;  the  relief  from  the  Tomb  of  the 
Haterii,  Mon.  dell’  Inst.,  Vol.  V,  1849-53,  7 and  8,  and  Photo.  Alinari, 
6387 ; a relief  in  the  Louvre,  Clarac,  Musee  de  Sculpture,  II,  PI. 
217,  314. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TYPES 


77 


five  of  the  eighty-seven  examples  being  included  in  it. 
This  form  of  top  is  much  more  frequently  used  for  grave 
altars  than  for  sacrificial  altars,  and  on  the  grave  monu- 
ments it  assumes  more  elaborate  forms.®^  The  horns  of 
the  sacrificial  altars  of  this  type  are  all  perfectly  plain, 
but  on  the  grave  monuments  they  are  frequently  orna- 
mented with  palmettes  and  other  designs  bori’owed  from 
architectural  forms,®^  such  as  masks  and  eagles. 

Like  the  pulvmus,  these  hornshaped  appendages  prob- 
ably had  their  origin  in  some  simple  device  adopted  by 
the  priests  for  convenience  in  sacrificing.  A stone  placed 
at  each  corner  of  the  altar  or  some  such  expedient  would 
prevent  the  scattering  of  the  fire,  or  where  a bloodless  sac- 
rifice was  to  be  performed  would  help  to  keep  the  fruits  or 
other  offerings  in  place.  These  appendages  would  also 
serve  as  points  of  suspension  for  the  garlands  frequently 
employed  in  the  decoration  of  the  altars,  which  otherwise 
could  hardly  be  kept  in  place.®®  As  the  utility  of  these 
primitive  horns  was  gradually  established  they  would  as- 
sume a stereotyped  form  and  be  regularly  used  in  certain 
cases.  This  form  of  top,  however,  seems  never  to  have 
been  as  much  used  as  that  with  pulvini.  The  reason  for 
this  preference  cannot  now  be  determined.  The  altars  in 
existence  point  to  no  reason  of  cult  on  account  of  which  one 
form  should  be  preferred  to  another.  Next  to  the  flat- 
topped  altars  the  form  with  pulvini  seems  to  have  been  the 

“ For  numerous  illustrations  of  this  form  of  top  cf.  Altmann,  Edw,. 
Grabaltdre. 

“ Cf.  for  example,  Altmann,  op.  cit.,  figs.  121,  129,  180. 

® Garlands  are  frequently  represented  as  hanging  from  the  ends  of 
pulvini.  (Cf.  for  example,  a relief  in  the  Louvre,  Clarae,  Musee  de 
Sculpture,  II,  219,  312;  Photo.  Giraudon,  1927.)  That  representa- 
tions of  altars  of  this  class  (II,  B)  with  garlands  suspended  from 
the  horns  are  not  found  must  be  due  to  the  comparative  infrequency 
of  the  type. 


78 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


one  preferred  for  sacrificial  altars,®^  but  the  reasons  for 
this  preference,  aside  from  those  of  practical  convenience, 
are  not  clear. 

Whatever  the  origin  of  the  horns,  they  show  clearly  the 
influence  of  architectural  forms  in  shape  and  decoration. 
As  has  been  said,  the  horns  of  the  sacrificial  altars  of  this 
type  are  quite  plain,  but  many  decorated  examples  are 
found  among  the  grave  monuments.  Here  both  fonn  and 
decoration  are  influenced  by  the  acroteria  frequently  found 
on  the  covers  of  sarcophagi  and  other  monuments  that  re- 
produce more  or  less  closely  the  forms  of  houses  or  temples. 
The  outline  of  the  horns  is  often  exactly  the  same  as  that 
of  the  acroteria  at  the  comers,  and  the  decoration  with  pal- 
mettes  is  also  a direct  imitation  of  the  architectural  forms. 
It  is  a recognized  principle  that  the  minor  arts  reflect  the 
tendencies  of  the  great  art  of  the  time,  and  this  small  and 
comparatively  unimportant  class  of  altars  plainly  shows 
influences  that  may  be  traced  also  in  larger  contemporary 
monuments. 

The  altars  of  Class  II,  C,  those  with  flat  tops,  are  numer- 
ically the  most  numerous.  As  has  been  pointed  out,  this 
form  is  the  simplest  that  an  altar  can  assume,  and  so  nat- 
urally it  is  the  one  most  frequently  employed.  Its  use  is 
common  to  all  the  peoples  with  whom  we  are  here  concerned. 

Again  we  are  indebted  to  Etruscan  urns  and  mirrors  for 
many  examples  of  this  type.  Brunn,  I Rilievi  delle  Urne 
Etrusclie  and  Gerhard,  Etruskische  Spiegel,  will  afford 
illustrations  too  numerous  to  be  cited  here.  In  a few  in- 
stances the  altars  are  round,®®  but  generally  they  are  quad- 

Schone,  quoted  by  Nissen  in  T)as  Templum,  p.  196,  expresses  the 
opinion  that  pulvini  are  an  essential  part  of  an  ara,  but  the  existence 
of  many  altars  without  pulvini  and  the  fact  that  in  many  representa- 
tions of  sacrificial  scenes  the  sacrifice  is  being  performed  on  flat- 
topped  altars  show  that  this  view  is  incorrect. 

“ Brunn,  op.  dt.,  I,  XLIV,  18  and  19 ; IP,  88,  1. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TYPES 


79 


rangular.  The  base  and  cornice  are  usually  composed  of 
several  mouldings,  which  as  a rule  project  further  than  in 
the  Roman  examples  of  this  type.  These  mouldings  show 
many  variations ; some  are  plain,  but  there  is  a strongly 
marked  tendency  to  employ  Greek  forms,  such  as  dentils 
and  astragals,  in  their  decorations.  Elutings  like  those  of 
an  Ionic  column  also  occur  on  the  main  plinth.®®  Wreaths 
and  fillets  of  various  kinds  are  frequently  used  to  decorate 
these  altars®^  and  the  patera  is  employed  as  a decoration 
in  at  least  one  instance.®®  The  tops  of  these  altars  are 
usually  quite  flat,  but  in  a few  cases  rounded  or  pointed 
appendages  are  found  at  the  comers.®®  The  pulvinus  in 
the  form  commonly  found  on  Roman  altars  does  not  occur. 
The  representation  of  flames  on  the  top  of  the  altar  is  com- 
mon.™ It  will  be  seen  that  the  Etmscan  altars  of  this 
type  differ  but  little  from  the  Roman  examples.  The 
Etmscan  altars  present  closer  affinities  with  Greek  forms 
to  be  noticed  below  than  do  the  Roman  altars,  especially 
in  the  forms  and  decoration  of  the  mouldings. 

These  Etruscan  altars  have  many  features  in  common 
with  those  represented  on  Greek  vases  and  reliefs.  Here 
also  the  architectural  character  of  the  altars  is  emphasized 
by  strongly  accentuated  bases  and  cornices,  and  by  the 
employment  of  architectural  details,  such  as  triglyphs  and 
metopes.^^  One  feature  of  the  Greek  altars  not  found  in 
Etruscan  or  Roman  forms  is  a member  of  rectangular  sec- 
tion, placed  at  the  sides  of  the  top,  sometimes  flush  with 
the  sides,  sometimes  set  in,  and  apparently  answering  the 

“ Brunn,  op.  cit.,  IP,  88,  1 ; II,  LPV,  3 ; IP,  85,  9. 

” Brunn,  op.  cit.,  I,  XI,  24 ; I,  XVI,  33. 

**  Brunn,  op.  cit.,  I,  XIV,  30. 

Brunn,  op.  cit.,  IP,  LXXVII,  6 ; Gerhard,  op.  cit.,  IV,  CCCXII. 

"Brunn,  op.  cit.,  I,  XXXVIII,  7;  I,  XLIII,  7;  IP,  88,  1. 

"Mom.  deir  Inst.,  Vol.  VI-VII,  1857,  Tav.  LXXI,  2. 


80 


KOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


purpose  of  the  Roman  pulvinus.'^^  The  same  thing  is 
found  in  Pompeian  wall  paintings, and  in  a painting 
from  the  Palatine.'^'*  It  seems  to  be  an  essentially  Greek 
feature.'^® 

This  type  of  altar  was  commonly  used  by  the  people  of 
the  Minoan  civilization,  as  is  shown  by  numerous  repre- 
sentations on  vases,  etc.,  and  by  models  and  actual  remains 
of  such  altars.  A familiar  example  of  this  form  occurs 

"IFF,  V,  9,  3;  Mon.  dell’  Inst.,  Vol.  II,  1834r-1838,  Tav.  XLIII; 
AZ,  Vol.  XXIV,  1866,  Taf.  CCVI,  4. 

” WV,  B,  III,  4. 

” Overbeck,  Atlas,  II,  7,  7 ; Eevue  Arch.,  1870,  PI.  XV. 

” In  many  representations  of  Greek  sacrificial  scenes,  especially  in 
vase  paintings,  the  sides  of  the  altar  are  flecked  or  spotted,  pre- 
sumably with  the  blood  of  the  victim.  (Of.  for  example,  Furtwangler- 
Eeichhold,  Gr.  Vasenmalerei,  I,  8,  25,  34;  II,  73;  WV,  V,  6,  1-2; 
Hartwig,  Meisterschalen,  III,  2;  Arch.  Ans.,  1910,  p.  461,  fig.  4.) 
The  spots  vary  in  number  from  one  to  three.  This  has  frequently 
been  explained  by  the  statement  that  Greek  sacrificial  altars  were 
furnished  with  channels  leading  from  the  upper  surface  and  dis- 
charging at  the  sides,  through  which  the  superfluous  blood  was  car- 
ried away.  (Cf.  for  example,  Baumeister,  Denlcmdler,  I,  p.  56: 
“Altare  fiir  blutige  Opfer  batten,  wie  wir  auf  Vasenbildern  oft 
sehen,  an  den  Seiten  flaehe  Locher  und  im  Innern  Kanale,  welche 
dem  Blute  und  Fette  einen  Abfluss  nach  aussen  gestatteten.  ”)  How- 
ever, the  complete  absence  of  evidence  for  such  a practice  in  the  altars 
themselves  renders  this  explanation  extremely  improbable.  The  fact 
is  rather  that  blood  was  sprinkled  on  the  sides  of  the  altar  at  the 
time  of  sacrifice,  not  only  for  purposes  of  purification,  but  as  a sign 
that  the  sacrifice  had  been  properly  carried  out.  Numerous  refer- 
ences in  literature  support  this  hypothesis  (cf.  Stengel,  Opferbrduche 
der  Griechen,  pp.  18  and  19,  and  the  references  there  given),  and 
negative  evidence  is  furnished  by  a pyxis  in  Berlin  (Arch.  Anz.,  Vol. 
X,  1895,  p.  38,  fig.  13),  on  which  is  represented  a rude  altar  of  earth 
or  stone  with  flecks  of  blood  exactly  like  those  on  a permanent  altar 
of  stone  on  the  same  vase.  An  altar  of  this  character  would  not  be 
furnished  with  any  elaborate  device  for  carrying  oif  the  blood,  so  the 
spots  must  be  due  to  a ritualistic  sprinkling  of  the  altar  with  the 
blood  of  the  victim.  This  practice  furnishes  a partial  explanation 
for  the  necessity  of  frequently  renewing  the  stucco  coating  of  cer- 
tain altars. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  TYPES 


81 


on  a fragment  of  a steatite  pyxis,  found  at  KnossosJ®  A 
sacred  grove  is  represented,  surrounded  by  a wall,  before 
which  stands  a small  quadrangular  altar,  constructed  of  ten 
courses  of  small  squared  stones.  The  top  is  formed  by  a 
plinth,  projecting  slightly  beyond  the  courses  below,  on 
which  are  placed  the  familiar  “ horns  of  consecration.”  As 
Evans  has  pointed  out,'^’^  this  altar  probably  reproduces  the 
form  of  the  four  altars  whose  bases  have  been  found  in  the 
Palace  at  Knossos.  The  altar  in  the  Dictaean  Cave  seems 
to  have  been  of  this  form.’^®  A further  example  is  afforded 
by  a small  votive  offering  of  terra  cotta  in  the  form  of  an 
altar  found  in  the  Palace  at  Knossos.'^®  Here  a projecting 
plinth  forms  both  the  base  and  top.  The  majority  of  these 
altars  seem  to  have  been  oblong  in  plan  rather  than  square. 

As  has  been  remarked,  this  form  of  altar  is  the  simplest 
and  easiest  of  construction,  so  it  is  not  surprising  to  find 
that  it  is  the  one  commonly  employed  by  most  primitive 
races.  Although  as  we  have  seen,  it  is  one  form  used  by 
the  peoples  who  were  the  cultural  ancestors  of  the  Eomans, 
it  does  not  in  itself  carry  any  convincing  testimony  as  to 
connections  between  these  stocks.  In  this  it  stands  in 
decided  contrast  to  the  Etruscan  form,  which  seems  to  offer 
evidence  of  some  connection  between  the  peoples  that  em- 
ployed it,  and  not  to  be  the  result  of  the  independent  work- 
ing out  of  artistic  and  religious  tendencies. 

The  last  division.  Class  II,  D,  composed  of  altars  with 
shallow  depressions  of  various  shapes  and  sizes  in  the  upper 
surface,  presents  few  difficulties.  In  one  case,  that  of  the 
altar  adorned  vnth  plane  leaves  in  the  Museo  Hazionale,®° 

™ lUustrated,  JHS,  Vol.  XXI,  1901,  p.  103,  fig.  2. 

” JHS,  1.  c.,  p.  102.  Cf.  also  La  Grange,  Lo  CrHe  Ancienne,  p.  52. 

BSA,  Vol.  VI,  1899-1900,  p.  98. 

Illustrated,  La  Grange,  op.  cit.,  p.  83,  fig.  62 ; von  Lichtenberg, 
Bie  Aegaische  Kultur,  p.  121,  fig.  73. 

*"No.  73  in  the  catalogue. 


82 


KOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


the  depression  occupies  the  entire  top.  So  large  a depres- 
sion would  hardly  have  been  required  for  libation  pur- 
poses ; it  probably  served  for  the  attachment  of  some  acces- 
sory, such  as  a grate  or  brazier,  at  the  time  of  sacrifice. 
Such  a device  would  be  especially  necessary  in  the  case  of 
an  elaborate  and  beautiful  altar  like  the  one  in  question,  to 
protect  it  from  injury  by  the  fire.®^ 

A depression  of  this  size  is,  however,  exceptional;  as  a 
general  rule  it  is  smaller  and  more  cuplike  in  form.  The 
three  round  altars  from  Anzio  now  in  the  Capitoline®^  may 
he  taken  as  typical  of  this  class.  Here  the  depression  is 
perfectly  round  and  has  the  form  of  a shallow  bowl.  Such 
altars  are  clearly  intended  for  the  libations  or  drink  offer- 
ings which  formed  a part  of  many  sacrificial  rites.  As  is 
shown  by  the  monumental  evidence,®®  libations  were  poured 
on  fiat-topped  altars  with  or  without  pulvini,  but  the  exist- 
ence of  the  special  class  of  altars  with  a form  of  top  plainly 
intended  for  libation  purposes  points  to  rites  of  which  the 
libation  formed  the  chief  feature. 

Cf.  an  article  by  Boni  on  the  altar  of  Juturna  in  NS,  1901,  pp. 
79  £f.  Boni  thinks  that  this  accessory  vpas  the  sacred  table  or  mensa 
frequently  mentioned  in  connection  with  sacrifices,  and  that  it  repre- 
sented the  caespes  of  the  primitive  altar. 

Nos.  75,  77  and  78  in  the  catalogue. 

Cf.  for  example,  the  relief  on  the  altar  of  Manlius,  no.  15  in 
the  catalogue. 


DECOEATION 


Althougli  many  of  the  altars  considered  are  absolutely 
plain  except  for  the  simple  mouldings  that  usually  frame 
the  various  faces,  the  decoration  of  the  more  elaborate 
examples  affords  an  interesting  study.  The  observer  is  at 
once  struck  by  the  fact  that  as  a rule  the  sacrificial  altars 
are  much  simpler  than  the  grave  altars.^  In  the  latter 
class  a perfectly  plain  altar  is  exceptional,  but  among  the 
sacrificial  altars  examples  with  no  decoration  other  than 
simple  mouldings  or  the  conventional  patera  and  urceus 
form  the  majority.  Undoubtedly  the  most  elaborate  exam- 
ples in  both  classes  of  altars  have  perished,  as  they  would 
prove  most  attractive  to  the  Vandals  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
hut  some  inferences  may  he  drawn  from  those  that  remain. 
Apparently  the  simplest  form  would  often  suffice  for  an 
altar  intended  for  the  worship  of  the  gods,  although  in 
cases  that  seem  to  have  been  somewhat  exceptional  the  sac- 
rificial altar  assumed  more  elaborate  forms.  The  monu- 
ments intended  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  the  dead,  on 
the  other  hand,  are  usually  decorated  more  or  less  richly, 
in  a measure  depending  undoubtedly  on  the  purse  of  the 
one  erecting  the  altar.  Such  a distinction  between  altars 
dedicated  to  the  gods  and  those  erected  in  memory  of  the 
dead  is  natural ; the  monument  in  the  latter  case  was  in- 
tended to  honor  one  for  whom  the  survivors  felt  a close 
personal  affection,  grief  for  whose  loss  would  naturally  be 
expressed  by  the  most  costly  and  elaborate  memorial  at 
their  command,  while  altars  to  the  gods  expressed  at  best 

^ For  numerous  illustrations  of  grave  altars  cf.  Altmann,  E6m. 
Grabaltdre. 


83 


84 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


only  an  impersonal  affection  or  a sense  of  gratitude  for 
favors  received.^ 

The  decoration  of  the  sacrificial  altars  may  conveniently 
he  considered  under  two  heads : first,  the  simple  and  more 
or  less  conventional  decoration,  such  as  the  mouldings, 
wreaths  and  palmettes ; secondly,  the  more  elaborate  deco- 
ration, especially  the  sculptured  scenes  in  relief.  The 
second  group  may  he  subdivided  into  representations  of  the 
gods  and  sacrificial  scenes. 

The  majority  of  the  altars  have  their  faces  framed  by 
simple  flat  mouldings,  but  in  a number  of  cases,  noticed 
in  the  catalogue,  more  elaborate  forms  are  employed. 
These  mouldings  are  the  same  as  those  commonly  used  in 
architecture,  Greek  and  Roman — the  torus,  trochilus  and 
fillet ; the  astragal ; the  cyma  recta  and  cyma  reversa,  and 
the  hawk’s  beak  moulding.  The  decoration  of  the  mould- 
ings is  as  a rule  borrowed  from  the  Greek.  The  familiar 
“ tongue  ” ornament  and  various  forms  of  the  egg  and 
dart”  and  leaf  patterns  appear  most  frequently.  As  we 
should  naturally  expect,  the  work  is  inferior  to  the  Greek 
and  shows  the  degeneration  that  most  Greek  architectural 
forms  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  Romans.  Refinement 
and  delicacy  of  execution  have  yielded  to  a coarsened  taste 
and  a mechanical  technique.  Even  the  finest  of  the  sac- 
rificial altars  from  the  artistic  point  of  view,  the  altar  with 
the  plane  leaves  in  the  Museo  E’azionale,®  is  character- 
istically Roman  in  the  dull  and  lifeless  character  of  its 
mouldings,  and  the  same  is  tnie  to  a greater  degree  of  the 

* The  businesslike  aspect  of  the  relationship  between  man  and  the 
gods  is  well  illustrated  by  the  large  number  of  ex  voto  monuments  in 
existence — i.  e.,  altars  erected  in  gratitude  for  the  god’s  fulfilment 
of  his  part  of  a contract. 

’ No.  73  in  the  catalogue. 


BECOEATION 


85 


altar  of  Silvanus  from  Ostia^  and  the  two  altars  in  the 
precinct  of  Juturna  in  the  Forum.® 

The  boucranion  was  a feature  with  which  the  Romans 
were  more  successful.  The  splendid  execution  of  those  on 
the  altar  with  the  plane  leaves,  just  referred  to,  has  already 
been  mentioned.  Altmann  has  pointed  out  the  differences 
between  the  Roman  boucranion  and  the  form  used  by  the 
Greeks,®  and  those  on  the  Terme  altar  are  typically  Ro- 
man in  the  slender,  almost  oblong  shape  of  the  skull  and 
the  faithful  delineation  of  the  bony  structure. 

The  employment  of  ram’s  heads  as  a decoration  for  the 
corners  dates,  in  Roman  art,  according  to  Altmann,'^  from 
the  time  of  Claudius,  although  as  Winnefeld  pointed  out® 
it  was  a form  much  used  by  the  Greeks.  It  lends  itself 
especially  well  to  the  decoration  of  altars,  where  it  makes 
a pleasing  break  in  the  otherwise  straight  line  of  the  side, 
and  offers  convenient  points  of  suspension  for  the  garlands 
so  frequently  represented.  A new  feature  developed  by  the 
Romans  was  the  filling  of  the  lower  comers  with  sphinxes, 
eagles  or  other  forms,  to  correspond  to  the  rams’  heads 
above.®  The  Altar  of  Silvanus  from  Ostia  affords  a good 
example  of  this  style  of  decoration,  though  as  has  been  men- 
tioned the  sphinxes  of  the  lower  angles  have  almost  entirely 

* No.  9 in  the  catalogue. 

“Nos.  21  and  22  in  the  catalogue. 

® ArcMtectur  und  Ornamentik,  p.  64.  The  Greek  form  is  almost  tri- 
angular, while  the  Eoman  form  is  long  and  slender,  as  would  naturally 
he  the  case,  since  the  heads  of  the  cattle  of  the  Eoman  Campagna  are 
of  that  type.  The  Greeks  frequently  represented  the  boucranion  as 
covered  with  hide  and  hair  (cf.  Marquand,  Greek  Architecture,  fig. 
280),  while  the  Eomans  represented  only  the  bony  structure  of  the 
skull. 

’ Bom,  Grabaltdre,  p.  68. 

* Quoted  by  Altmann,  op.  cit.,  p.  69. 

“Altmann,  op.  cit.,  p.  70. 


86 


KOMAN  SACEIFICIAL  ALTARS 


disappeared.  The  motive  appears  frequently  on  grave 
monuments.^® 

To  a limited  extent  conventionalized  vegetable  ornaments, 
such  as  palmettes,  spirals  and  rosettes,  are  used.  Here  again 
the  execution  is  mechanical  and  the  forms  are  sometimes 
employed  without  much  reference  to  the  space  they  are 
intended  to  fill.  The  freer  naturalistic  ornament  on  the 
other  hand  is  often  more  successful.  The  altar  of  Victoria 
Augusta  in  the  Museo  Hazionale,^^  although  a small  and 
unimportant  monument,  shows  considerable  delicacy  and 
refinement  in  the  wreaths  and  palm  branches  which  adorn 
it.  The  oak  wreath  on  the  altar  of  Jupiter  in  the  Capi- 
toline^^  is  very  successfully  treated.  Wreaths  of  fruits, 
grains  and  flowers  are  employed  to  a certain  extent,^® 
though  far  less  than  on  the  grave  altars.  They  are  undoubt- 
edly intended  as  an  imitation  or  reminiscence  of  the  actual 
wreaths  frequently  hung  upon  altars  at  the  time  of  sacri- 
fice.^^ As  a rule  they  are  heavy,  recalling  the  wreaths 
later  so  effectively  used  by  the  artists  of  the  Italian  Eenais- 
sance,  and  the  execution  is  often  mediocre.  The  most  suc- 
cessful piece  of  naturalistic  decoration  left  to  us  is  on  the 
altar  with  the  plane  leaves,  to  which  reference  has  already 
been  made.  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  simple  yet  pleas- 
ing theme  could  have  been  more  successfully  treated.  This 
masterpiece  should  go  far  towards  dispelling  the  feeling 
that  the  Romans  were  lacking  in  delicacy  and  refinement 
of  conception  and  in  mastery  of  the  subtler  resources  of  the 
sculptor’s  art. 

Frequently  some  object  connected  with  the  cult  of  the 

Cf.  Altmann,  op.  cit.,  figs.  62-72. 

” No.  10  in  the  catalogue. 

No.  36  in  the  catalogue. 

“For  example,  the  altar  from  Ostia  (no.  9),  the  altar  of  Pietas 
(no.  45)  and  the  altar  of  C.  Manlius  (no.  15). 

“ Ovid,  Met.,  VII,  242 ; Trist.,  Ill,  13,  15. 


DECORATION 


87 


divinity  to  whom  the  altar  is  dedicated  is  employed  as  a 
feature  of  the  decoration.  Thus  the  cista  mystica  appears 
on  an  altar  of  Isis;^®  the  spear  and  starred  pileus  are  used 
on  an  altar  of  the  Dioscuri.^®  The  objects  most  frequently 
represented  on  the  altars  in  this  way  are  the  patera  and 
urceus.  They  occur  occasionally  on  the  rear,  hut  more 
often  on  the  side  faces,  one  on  the  right,  the  other  on  the 
left.  An  almost  invariable  law  regarding  the  position  of 
these  vessels  runs  throughout  the  series.  Of  the  eighty- 
seven  altars  considered,  twenty-three  are  decorated  with  the 
patera  and  urceus,  and  in  twenty-two  of  these  cases  the 
patera  is  found  on  the  right  face  of  the  altar  and  the  urceus 
on  the  left.  The  same  principle  holds  true  in  grave  altars. 
The  explanation  of  this  uniformity  is  not  far  to  seek.  It 
is  undoubtedly  to  be  found  in  the  position  of  the  sacrificing 
priest  with  reference  to  the  altar.  Numerous  representa- 
tions of  sacrificial  scenes  show  that  it  was  the  almost  invari- 
able custom  for  the  priest  to  stand  facing  the  worshippers, 
at  the  right  of  the  altar,  so  that  he  could  most  conveniently 
pour  the  libations  and  perform  the  other  ritual  acts  with 
his  right  hand.  This  would  be  the  most  natural  position 
for  a right-handed  person.  The  camillus,^'^  whose  duties 
included  the  carrying  of  the  urceus  containing  the  wine 
for  libation,  commonly  stands  at  the  left  of  the  altar.  It 
is  but  natural  therefore  that  the  two  vessels  which  are  sym- 
bolic of  the  functions  of  these  two  important  members  of 
the  sacrificial  group  should  come  to  he  represented  almost 
invariably  on  the  sides  of  the  altar  most  closely  associated 
with  them. 

” No.  35  in  the  catalogue. 

“No.  41  in  the  catalogue.  For  the  use  of  the  pileus  and  star  in 
connection  with  the  Dioscuri,  cf.  Pauly-Wissowa,  Beal-Enc.,  5,,  article 
Bioscuri,  1122-3. 

” For  a discussion  of  the  Camillus  cf . Spaulding,  The  ‘ ‘ Camillus-  ’ ’ 
Type  in  Sculpture,  Columbia  University  Dissertation,  1911. 


88 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


A brief  examination  of  a few  of  the  many  sacrificial 
scenes  preserved  on  altars,  sarcophagi  and  other  monuments 
may  serve  to  make  this  point  more  clear.  A number  of 
such  scenes  have  already  been  met  with  on  the  altars  con- 
sidered. The  altar  of  the  Lares  Augusti  in  the  Palazzo  dei 
Conservator!^®  presents  an  interesting  group,  in  which  the 
four  vicomagistri  appear  to  be  making  a libation  or  per- 
forming some  other  sacrificial  rite  in  common.  That  the 
four  men  instead  of  one  are  here  carrying  out  the  priestly 
functions  is  shown  not  only  by  their  position  about  the 
altar  but  also  by  the  veiling  of  their  heads.  This  makes 
it  impossible  to  draw  any  inference  from  this  scene  as  to 
the  usual  position  of  the  sacrificing  priest.  The  altar  of 
C.  Manlius  in  the  Lateran^®  has  upon  its  front  face  a sac- 
rificial scene  of  the  usual  type.  The  priest  stands  at  the 
right  of  a small  square  altar,  upon  which  he  is  pouring  a 
libation  from  the  patera  held  in  his  right  hand.  In  this 
case  the  camillus  stands  directly  behind  the  altar.  A third 
instance  is  afforded  by  the  altar  of  the  Lares  Augusti  in 
the  Vatican,®®  on  the  right  side  of  which  a scene  of  sacrifice 
is  represented.  The  priest  stands  as  usual  at  the  right  of 
the  altar.  A second  altar  of  the  Lares  Augusti  in  the  Vat- 
ican®^ shows  two  men,  one  on  either  side  of  a small  altar; 
the  one  at  the  right  is  pouring  a libation,  while  his  com- 
panion on  the  left  is  apparently  scattering  incense  on  the 
altar.  As  has  been  pointed  out,  the  altar  of  the  Vicomag- 
istri is  dated  by  its  inscription  in  the  year  2 A.  D.,  and  it 
is  probable  that  the  other  altars  cited  here  also  belong  in 
the  Augustan  age,®®  although  the  two  last  are  so  defaced 

“ No.  14  in  the  catalogue. 

” No.  15  in  the  catalogue. 

“No.  60  in  the  catalogue. 

No.  61  in  the  catalogue. 

“ Cf.  Strong,  Roman  Sculpture,  pp.  73  ff. 


DECOEATION 


89 


as  to  make  any  accurate  judgment  based  on  points  of  style 
impossible. 

The  relief  sculpture  of  the  Augustan  age  furnishes  a 
further  example  of  a sacrificial  scene.  Two  fragments 
from  the  Ara  Pads  Augustae,^^  now  united  in  the  Museo 
!N’azionale  at  Rome,  represent  a sacrifice,  perhaps  in  honor 
of  Tellus.  The  center  of  the  scene  is  occupied  by  a rude 
altar  built  up  of  courses  of  field  stone.  A wreath  hangs 
upon  it  and  the  top  is  piled  with  fruit.  At  the  left  are 
two  young  attendants,  the  victimarii,  leading  the  pig  in- 
tended for  sacrifice,  and  the  camillus,  who  carries  the 
urceus  and  a flat  dish  of  fruit.  The  sacrificing  priest,^^ 
who  is  represented  as  a man  of  mature  years  and  grave 
aspect,  stands  at  the  right  of  the  altar.  He  is  clad  in  an 
ample  mantle  which  is  drawn  up  over  his  head  in  the  usual 
fashion,  while  his  right  arm  and  part  of  his  chest  are  left 
bare.  The  right  hand  has  been  broken  off  above  the  wrist, 
but  the  position  of  the  arm,  and  the  waiting  attitude  of  the 
camillus  who  stands  with  urceus  lowered  as  if  the  act  of 
filling  the  patera  had  just  been  completed,  make  it  certain 
that  the  priest  was  pouring  a libation  upon  the  altar, 

A series  of  reliefs  that  might  be  extended  almost  indefi- 
nitely carries  the  representation  of  sacrificial  scenes  down 
nearly  to  the  time  of  Constantine.  A relief  in  the  Vati- 
can,^® probably  from  an  altar,  furnishes  an  example  which 
may  date  from  the  Claudian  period.  The  left  half  of  the 

“^For  illustrations  cf.  Strong,  op.  cit.,  PI.  IX,  2;  Photo.  Alinari, 
27323. 

^ Petersen,  Ara  Pads  Augustas,  pp.  54  ft.,  interprets  this  figure  as 
the  genius  of  the  Eoman  Senate,  and  this  is  followed  by  Mrs.  Strong, 
op.  dt.,  p.  46.  Sieveking,  Oest.  Jahreshefte,  Vol.  X,  1907,  pp.  187  fP., 
rejects  this  interpretation  and  explains  the  scene  as  a representation 
of  the  sacrifice  of  Aeneas  to  the  Penates  after  his  landing  in  Italy. 

“^Illustrated,  Amelung,  Sc.  des  Vat.  Mus.,  II,  Taf.  61;  Photo.  An- 
derson, 3932. 


7 


90 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


relief  is  occupied  by  the  victimarius  and  the  victim,  in  this 
ease  a bull,  while  the  sacrifice  is  represented  at  the  right. 
A small  quadrangular  altar  forms  the  central  point  of  the 
group.  It  has  a simply  moulded  base  and  comice  and  the 
top  is  flanked  by  small  pulvini  connected  by  volutes,  be- 
tween which  the  sacrificial  fire  is  represented.  At  the  left 
of  the  altar  stands  a woman  who  holds  an  incense-box  in 
her  left  hand,  from  which  she  is  sprinkling  incense  upon 
the  flames  with  her  right  hand.  At  the  right  is  the  priest 
clad  in  tunic  and  mantle.  The  heads  of  both  the  man  and 
the  woman  are  veiled  in  the  usual  fashion.  The  priest  is 
pouring  a libation  upon  the  altar  from  a small  flat  patera 
held  in  his  right  hand. 

A variation  of  the  usual  position  is  found  on  the  front 
face  of  the  altar  in  the  Temple  of  Vespasian  at  Pompeii.^® 
Here  the  priest  stands  at  the  left  of  the  tripod  which  serves 
as  an  altar,  and  pours  a libation  upon  it  from  a patera  held 
in  his  right  hand.  A bull  in  charge  of  two  victimarii 
occupies  the  space  at  the  right  of  the  tripod,  and  the  other 
attendants,  including  a tihicen,  lictors  and  a tiny  camillus, 
are  grouped  behind  the  tripod  and  the  priest.  Ho  reason 
is  apparent  for  this  departure  from  the  usual  arrangement. 
Nothing  unusual  is  indicated  in  any  other  feature  of  the 
group,  so  it  seems  probable  that  the  change  in  position  was 
due  simply  to  a misunderstanding  of  the  ordinary  arrange- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  sculptor,  or  to  a desire  for  novelty 
in  the  grouping.  The  artistic  advantages  of  the  usual 
arrangement  will  be  at  once  apparent  upon  comparison 
of  this  group  with  any  of  the  usual  type. 

The  column  of  Trajan,  dating  from  113  A.  D.,  presents 
a series  of  eight  sacrificial  scenes  representing  events  in 

“Illustrated,  Mau-Kelsey,  Pompeii,  p.  107,  fig.  43;  Photo.  Alinari, 
11408. 


DECORATION 


91 


various  campaigns  of  the  emperor.^'^  The  altars  in  this 
series  are  all  quadrangular,  sometimes  constructed  of 
courses  of  masonry,  but  more  often  monolithic.  The  base 
and  cornice  are  usually  moulded  and  in  seven  of  the  eight 
scenes  the  altar  is  adorned  v^ith  a wreath.  In  most  eases 
flames  are  represented  on  the  top  of  the  altar.  In  two  of 
the  eight  scenes  the  priest  does  not  appear;  in  two  of  the 
remaining  six  he  stands  at  the  left  of  the  altar,  and  in  four 
he  is  found  in  the  usual  position  at  the  right  of  the  altar, 
with  the  patera  in  his  right  hand. 

Four  sacrificial  scenes  are  found  among  the  medallions 
now  on  the  arch  of  Constantine.^®  In  three  of  these  scenes 
a priest  appears  twice  at  the  right  of  the  altar,  once  at 
the  left. 

A relief  of  the  Antonine  period,  now  in  the  Palazzo  dei 
Conservator!,^®  presents  the  same  variation  from  the  usual 
type  as  that  found  on  the  altar  in  Pompeii.  The  sacrificial 
group  is  gathered  about  a small  tripod,  upon  which  the 
emperor-priest,  who  stands  slightly  behind  and  to  the  left 
of  it,  is  pouring  a libation.  Again  the  awkwardness  of 
this  arrangement  from  the  sculptural  point  of  view  is  ap- 
parent in  the  undue  prominence  given  to  the  right  arm  of 
the  emperor. 

A medallion  of  Julia  Domna®®  represents  a sacrifice  to 
Vesta.  Six  Vestal  virgins  with  veiled  heads  are  grouped 

” For  illustrations  ef.  Cichorius,  Die  Beliefs  der  TrajansavXe,  Taf. 
X,  VIII;  Taf.  XXXVIII,  LIII;  Taf.  LIX,  LXXX;  Taf.  LXII, 
LXXXV;  Taf.  LXIII,  LXXXVI;  Taf.  LXVI,  XCI;  Taf.  LXXII, 
XCIX;  Taf.  LXXVI,  CIII. 

“ For  a discussion  as  to  the  date  of  these  medallions  ef . Strong, 
Boman  Sculpture,  pp.  131  ff.  Sieveking,  BM,  Vol.  XXII,  1907,  pp. 
345-360,  advances  the  theory  that  those  of  the  south  side  are  Flavian 
and  those  of  the  north  side  Hadrianic.  For  illustrations  cf.  Strong, 
op.  cit.,  Pis.  XL  and  XLI. 

“ Illustrated,  Strong,  op.  cit.,  PI.  XCI,  8 ; Photo.  Alinari,  6043. 

=■>  Illustrated,  NS,  3“,  Vol.  XIII,  1883,  Tav.  II. 


92 


KOMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


about  a small  round  altar  before  the  Temple  of  Vesta.  The 
priestess  to  the  right  of  the  altar  is  pouring  a libation  from 
a patera  held  in  her  right  hand,  while  her  companion  to  the 
left  appears  to  be  sprinkling  incense  on  the  flames. 

The  basis  of  a column  erected  in  the  Roman  Forum  by 
Diocletian®^  has  on  one  side  a sacrificial  scene.  The  relief, 
though  of  poor  workmanship  and  much  defaced,  is  valuable 
as  a witness  to  the  persistence  of  early  forms  down  to  the 
latest  days  of  paganism.  The  emperor,  about  to  be  crowned 
by  Victory,  stands  at  the  right  of  the  small  tripod-altar, 
upon  which  he  is  pouring  a libation  from  a patera  umbili- 
cata  held  in  his  right  hand.  As  in  many  earlier  scenes, 
the  tibicen  stands  almost  directly  behind  the  altar,  while  a 
small  camillus  with  an  incense-box  in  his  hands  is  at  the 
left.  The  group  is  completed  by  other  attendants  and 
officials  to  right  and  left. 

More  than  three  hundred  years  intervened  between  this 
basis  and  the  earliest  monuments  considered,  but  the  sac- 
rificial group  in  what  we  have  found  to  be  its  normal  form 
occurs  again  and  again  throughout  this  period.  V ariations 
do  appear,  as  has  been  noted  above,  but  they  are  so  few 
comparatively  that  they  may  serve  only  to  emphasize  the 
regularity  with  which  the  usual  type  occurs.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  in  the  ordinary  sacrifices  the  regular  posi- 
tion for  the  sacrificing  priest  was  at  the  right  of  the  altar, 
a position  justified  not  only  by  its  convenience  but  also  by 
its  more  pleasing  appearance  from  the  spectator’s  point  of 
view.  In  this  customary  grouping  of  the  priests  and  at- 
tendants about  the  altar,  therefore,  is  to  be  found  the  expla- 
nation of  the  almost  invariable  rule  governing  the  appear- 
ance of  the  patera  and  urceus  as  a decoration  of  altars. 
The  patera  is  placed  upon  the  right  face  as  the  vessel  most 
closely  associated  with  the  sacrificing  priest,  while  the 
Cf.  Hiilsen-Carter,  The  Roman  Forum,  pp.  97-98. 


DECOEATION 


93 


urceus  is  emblematic  of  tbe  camillus,  whose  regular  place 
is  at  the  left  of  the  altar. 

Altars  with  more  elaborate  decoration,  such  as  repre- 
sentations of  the  gods  or  sacrificial  scenes,  are  naturally  in 
the  minority.  The  reliefs  representing  gods  are  in  many 
instances  taken  over  from  statues  in  the  round,  and  in 
some  cases  statues  of  the  same  type  are  still  extant.®^ 
Add  to  this  the  fact  that  the  altars  were  for  the  most  part 
the  work  of  humble  stonecutters,  of  whom  no  originality 
could  be  expected,  and  it  becomes  highly  probable  that  the 
greater  part  of  the  more  elaborate  decoration  in  relief  was 
a more  or  less  faithful  copy  of  works  already  in  existence. 
The  mechanical  and  lifeless  execution  of  most  of  the  reliefs 
shows  how  little  real  skill  the  artists  possessed.  In  spite 
of  this  mediocrity,  however,  they  have  a certain  interest  as 
specimens  of  the  art  of  the  people. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  sacrificial  and 
cult  scenes  on  the  altars.  Their  full  import  is  not  clear 
in  all  cases,  but  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  they  re- 
ferred directly  to  the  cult  with  which  the  altar  was  con- 
nected. The  same  is  true  of  the  mythological  scenes  with 
which  certain  of  the  altars  are  decorated.  The  principle, 
therefore,  running  through  the  entire  field  of  the  decoration, 
with  the  exception  of  the  purely  conventional  ornament, 
such  as  palmettes  and  mouldings,  is  that  it  is  directly  con- 
nected with  the  sacrifice  performed  upon  the  altar.  The 

“For  a statue  of  the  same  type  as  the  relief  on  the  altar  of  Sil- 
vanus,  no.  8 in  the  catalogue,  ef.  Eeinaoh,  Bepertoire  de  la  Statuaire, 
1,  p.  220,  818.  For  the  relief  of  Neptune  on  the  altar  in  the  Capi- 
toline,  no.  75,  cf.  Eeinach,  op.  cit.,  I,  p.  428,  1796,  which  is  of  the 
same  type,  except  that  it  lacks  the  cloak.  A Pompeian  wall  painting, 
Overbeck,  Atlas,  III,  XII,  23,  reproduces  the  type  exactly. 

^ Cf . for  example  the  relief  on  the  rear  face  of  the  altar  of  Manlius, 
no.  15  in  the  catalogue. 

®^For  example  the  altar  of  Hercules  in  the  Lateran,  no.  42  in 
the  catalogue. 


94 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


wreaths  of  stone  reproduce  actual  floral  decoration;  the 
boucrania  and  rains’  heads  recall  the  part  that  the  victims 
had  in  the  sacrifice ; the  'patera  and  urceus  symbolize  the 
functions  of  priest  and  camillus,  while  more  elaborate  deco- 
rations depict  the  god  and  events  in  his  life  or  represent 
the  sacrifice  performed  upon  the  altar.  Thus  even  the 
monotonous  repetition  of  the  sacrificial  vessels  possesses  a 
certain  interest  and  the  decoration  as  a whole  bears  witness 
to  a once  vital  religious  feeling. 


CON'CLIJSION 


The  results  of  this  investigation  may  be  summarized  as 
follows : 

1.  Roman  sacrificial  altars  present  in  general  two  widely 
differing  types, — ^those  with  curving  profiles  and  those  with 
straight  profiles. 

2.  The  first  of  these  types  was  derived  from  Etruria  and 
bears  a marked  resemblance  to  altar-forms  employed  by 
peoples  further  to  the  East,  especially  the  Babylonians  and 
the  bearers  of  the  Aegean  civilization. 

3.  The  second  of  the  two  types  was  too  widely  diffused 
and  too  little  individualized  to  afford  any  conclusions  as  to 
the  relations  of  the  peoples  using  it. 

4.  The  decoration  of  the  altars  was  largely  determined 
by  their  function  as  the  chief  accessory  of  the  sacrifice  and 
reflects  the  more  important  art  of  the  time. 

Although  the  sacrificial  altars  form  a group  of  compara- 
tively unimportant  monuments,  they  may  yet  serve  to  play 
some  small  part  in  determining  the  historical  and  artistic 
relations  of  the  forces  that  produced  them. 


95 


INDEX 


The  following  list  includes  the  altars  discussed  in  the  catalogue 
and  others  known  to  be  in  existence  in  Eome  at  the  present  time.  It 
is  thought  to  be  practically  complete. 

PAGE 

Aescvlapivs  34 

Aesculapius,  Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria.  CIL,  VI,  16  = 30685. 
Aesculapius,  Villa  Borghese.  CIL,  VI,  4. 

Aeternus  Sanctus.  CIL,  VI,  3671  = 30847. 

Agathos  Daemon,  Vatican.  CIL,  XIV,  3533. 

Aisculapius  Augustus,  Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria.  CIL,  VI, 


12  = 30684;  ILS,  3837. 

Altar  with  Plane  Leaves  53 

Apollo  42 


Apollo,  Villa  Borghese.  CIL,  VI,  25. 

Apollo,  Palazzo  Maffei.  CIL,  VI,  36. 

Apollo,  built  into  the  wall  of  a house  on  the  corner  of  the  Via  di 
San  Bartolommeo  de’  Vaccinari  and  the  Via  Fiumara.  CIL, 


VI,  45 ; ILS,  3222. 

Ara  Taurobolata  34 

Ara  Taurobolata  53 

Asclepius,  Vatican,  Galleria  dei  Candelabri.  CIL,  VI,  8. 

Asclepius,  S.  Maria  dell’  Orto.  CIL,  VI,  13. 

Bellona,  Villa  Ludovisi.  CIL,  VI,  2232;  ILS,  4181. 

Bona  Dea  21 

Bona  Dea  42 


Bona  Dea,  Villa  Giustiniani.  CIL,  VI,  55. 

Bona  Dea.  CIL,  VI,  59  = 3674. 

Bona  Dea.  CIL,  VI,  71 ; ILS,  3505. 

Campestres,  Villa  Maraini.  CIL,  VI,  31157. 

Civitas,  Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria.  CIL,  VI,  88. 
Deus  Arimanius,  Vatican.  CIL,  VI,  47 ; ILS,  4263. 
Deus  Paternus.  CIL,  VI,  2801  = 32572. 

Deus  Patrius.  CIL,  XIV,  3. 


Deus  Sanctus  39 

Deus  Sanctus,  Palazzo  dei  Conservatori.  CIL,  VI,  2807  = 32582 ; 

ILS,  4068. 

Deus  Sanctus,  Palazzo  dei  Conservatori.  CIL,  VI,  2830  = 32555. 

Deus  sive  Dea  39 

Deus  sive  Deiva  12 


96 


irroEx 


97 


Diana  27 

Diana  27 

Diana  34 

Diana  42 


Diana,  Antiquarium.  CIL,  VI,  30864. 

Diana,  Aventine.  CIL,  VI,  3677  = 30863. 

Dia  Suria,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  115  = 30696;  ILS,  4276. 
Dii  Custodes,  Antiquarium.  CIL,  VI,  30860. 

Dii  Penates,  Museo  Kircheriano.  CIL,  VI,  561. 

Dii  Sancti  Patrienses,  Museo  Capitolino.  Fragmentary.  CIL, 


VI,  32574. 

Dn  et  Deae 56 

Dii,  Deae  et  Juppiter.  CIL,  VI,  31168;  ILS,  4342. 

Dioscuri  29 

Dioscuri  39 

Dispater  35 

Dispater  et  Hercules 22 

Dracones,  Museo  Kircheriano.  CIL,  VI,  143;  ILS,  3896“. 

Fortuna  43 

Fortuna  54 

Fortuna  56 

Fortuna,  Vatican,  Sala  delle  Muse.  CIL,  VI,  189. 

Fortuna,  Villa  Borghese.  CIL,  VI,  201. 

Fortuna,  Villa  Giustiniani.  CIL,  VI,  20870. 


Fortuna  Primigenia,  Palazzo  dei  Conservator!.  CIL,  VI,  3681 
= 30875. 

Genius,  Vatican,  Galleria  dei  Candelabri.  CIL,  VI,  245. 


Genius  Centuriae  43 

Genius  Centuriae  57 

Genius  Coloniae  Ostiensium,  Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria.  CIL, 
XIV,  8. 

Genius  Familiae  43 

Genius  Horreorum 28 

Genius  Noricorum  43 

Hercules  29 

Hercules  40 

Hercules  44 

Hercules  52 


Hercules,  Museo  Nazionale.  CIL,  VI,  30889. 
Hercules,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  284. 
Hercules,  Museo  Kircheriano.  CIL,  VI,  279. 
Hercules.  CIL,  VI,  30909. 

Hercules,  Villa  Maraini.  CIL,  VI,  31162. 

Hercules  Augustus,  Museo  Laterano.  CIL,  VI,  300. 


98 


EOMAIf  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


Hercules  Augustus,  Museo  Laterano.  CIL,  XIV,  2426. 

Hercules  Augustus  Dispensator,  Villa  Ludovisi.  CIL,  VI,  8832. 

Hercules  Comes  et  Conservator  44 

Hercules  Conserbator,  Villa  Albani.  CIL,  VI,  307 ; ILS,  3440. 
Hercules  Defensor,  Villa  Albani.  CIL,  VI,  309;  ILS,  3466. 

Hercules  Invietus,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  313. 

Hercules  Invietus,  Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria.  CIL,  XIV,  3545. 
Hercules  Invietus,  Villa  Ludovisi.  CIL,  VI,  327. 

Hercules  Invietus,  Museo  Borgiano.  CIL,  VI,  329  = 30738 ; ILS, 


3469. 

Hercules  Primigenius  33 

Hercules  Sanctissimus  Invictus  36 


Hercules  Sanctus.  NS,  1892,  p.  48;  BC,  1892,  p.  182. 

Hercules  Victor,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  328 ; ILS,  3434. 


Hercules  et  Genius,  Villa  Maraini.  CIL,  VI,  31150. 

Hercules  et  Silvanus 44 

Hercules  et  Silvanus,  Museo  Laterano.  CIL,  VI,  3690. 

Isis  14 

Isis  36 

Isis  44 

Juno  44 

JUPPITER 45 

JUPPITER 46 

JUPPITER 57 

JUPPITER 57 

JUPPITER  CUSTOS  41 

JUPPITER  Optimus  Maximus  37 


Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Museo  Capitolino.  C/L,  VI,  30950a; 
ILS,  4073. 

Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Museo  Capitolino.  Fragmentary. 
CIL,  VI,  32585. 

Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Museo  Capitolino.  Fragmentary. 
CIL,  VI,  2839  = 32592. 

Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Palazzo  dei  Conservator!.  Fragmen- 
tary. CIL,  VI,  2813  = 32586. 

Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Antiquarium.  CIL,  VI,  30939. 
Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Villa  Pamphili.  CIL,  VI,  393. 
Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus.  CIL,  VI,  2815. 

Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Villa  Maraini.  CIL,  VI,  31173. 
Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus  Capitolinus,  Palazzo  dei  Conservator!. 
CIL,  VI,  2817  = 32588. 

Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus  Deus  Sabadius,  Villa  Maraini.  CIL, 
VI,  31164. 


IKBEX 


99 


Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus  Purpuric,  Villa  Albani.  CIL,  VI, 

424;  ILS,  3040. 

Juppiter  Sanetus,  Palazzo  dei  Conservatori.  CIL,  VI,  2811 
= 32593. 

Juppiter  Territor,  Museo  Kireheriano.  CIL,  XIV,  3559. 

Juppiter  Tutor,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  XIV,  25. 

Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus  et  Genius,  Villa  Maraini.  CIL,  VI, 
31147. 

Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Juno,  Mars.  CIL,  VI,  31176. 

Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Juno,  Minerva,  Hercules,  Fortuna, 
Felicitas,  Salus,  Fata,  Genius,  Villa  Maraini.  CIL,  VI,  31138. 
Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Juno,  Minerva,  Mars,  Victoria,  Mer- 
curius,  Felicitas,  Salus,  Fata,  Campestres,  Silvanus,  Apollo, 
Diana,  Epona,  Matres  Sulevae,  Genius,  Villa  Maraini.  CIL, 

VI,  31141,  31142. 

Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Juno,  Minerva,  Mars,  Victoria,  Mer- 
eurius,  Felicitas,  Salus,  Fata,  Campestres,  Silvanus,  Apollo, 
Diana,  Epona,  Genius,  ViUa  Maraini.  CIL,  VI,  31143,  31144. 
Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Juno,  Minerva,  Mars,  Victoria,  Her- 
cules, Fortuna,  Mercurius,  Felicitas,  Salus,  Fata,  Campestres, 
Silvanus,  Apollo,  Diana,  Epona,  Matres  Sulevae,  Genius,  Villa 
Maraini.  CIL,  VI,  31145,  31146,  31148,  31149 ; ILS,  4833. 
Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Silvanus  Sanetus  et  Ceteri  Dii,  Pa- 
lazzo dei  Conservatori.  CIL,  VI,  3697  = 30940. 

Juppiter  Optimus  Maximus,  Sol  Divinus  et  Genius  Venalieius, 
Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  398;  ILS,  3673. 

Juppiter,  Juno,  Castores  et  Apollo,  Museo  Laterano.  Fragmen- 
tary. CIL,  VI,  413 ; ILS,  4320. 

JUTURNA 31 

Lares  Augusti 22 

Lares  Augusti 35 

Lares  Augusti 45 

Lares  Augusti 48 

Lares  Augusti 51 

Lares  Augusti,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  443. 

Lares  Curiales  15 

Lares  Salutares,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  459;  ILS,  3630. 

Lares  Semitales  16 

Lares  Viales  16 

Liber 35 

Lucina  36 

Manlius,  Altar  dedicated  by 24 

Mars  Sanctissimus  et  Genius,  Villa  Maraini.  CIL,  VI,  31151. 

Mars  Sanetus,  Villa  Maraini.  CIL,  VI,  31177. 


100 


ROMAN  SACRIFICIAL  ALTARS 


Matee  Deum 19 

Mater  Deum,  Villa  Albani.  CIL,  VI,  505;  ILS,  4143. 

Mater  Deum,  Campo  Santo  di  San  Lorenzo.  CIL,  VI,  30968. 

Mater  Deum  et  Attis,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  506  = 30782 ; 

ILS,  4144. 

Mercurius  38 

Mercurius  48 

Mercurius,  Vatican,  Galleria  dei  Candelabri.  CIL,  VI,  514. 

Mercurius.  C/L,  3703  = 30978. 

Minerva 36 

Minerva,  Archaeological  Institute.  CIL,  VI,  525. 

Mithras  32 

Mithras  49 

Mithras  49 

Mithras  58 

Mithras.  CIL,  VI,  571. 

Nemesis  49 

Neptunus  33 

Neptunus  55 

Pantheus  41 

Pantheus  50 

Pietas  42 

Semo  Sancus,  Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria.  CIL,  VI,  567  = 
30795;  ILS,  3474. 

SiLVANUS  16 

SiLVANUS  17 

SiLVANUS  39 

SiLVANUS  50 

SiLVANUS  51 

SiLVANUS  51 

SiLVANUS  57 

SiLVANUS  58 

Silvanus,  Museo  Nazionale.  CIL,  VI,  31152. 

Silvanus,  Villa  Albani.  CIL,  VI,  594. 

Silvanus,  Villa  Albani.  CIL,  VI,  603. 

Silvanus,  Villa  Albani.  CIL,  VI,  665. 

Silvanus,  Villa  Albani.  CIL,  XIV,  49. 

Silvanus,  Museo  Kircheriano.  CIL,  VI,  653. 

Silvanus,  Museo  Kircheriano.  CIL,  VI,  654. 

Silvanus,  Villa  Ludovisi.  CIL,  VI,  622. 

Silvanus,  Antiquarium.  CIL,  VI,  31000. 

Silvanus,  house  in  Piazza  Paganica,  6.  CIL,  VI,  616. 

Silvanus,  in  gardens  near  the  Forum.  CIL,  VI,  661. 

Silvanus.  CIL,  VI,  679. 


INDEX 


101 


Silvanus,  Museum  of  University  of  Eome.  CIL,  VI,  927. 
SUvanus.  CIL,  VI,  31029. 

Silvanus  Gustos,  Villa  Ludovisi.  CIL,  VI,  310;  IL8,  3467. 
Silvanus  Salutaris.  CIL,  VI,  3716  = 31013 ; ILS,  3566. 

Silvanus  Sanctus,  Museo  Nazionale.  CIL,  VI,  31024. 

Silvanus  Sanctus,  Museo  Nazionale.  Fragmentary.  CIL,  VI, 
31016. 

Silvanus  Sanctus,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  690. 

Sol,  Villa  Ludovisi.  CIL,  VI,  703. 

Sol,  Museo  Nazionale.  CIL,  VI,  704  = 30816. 

Sol.  CIL,  VI,  31031. 

Sol,  Vatican.  CIL,  XIV,  2583. 

Sol  Invictus,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  715. 

Sol  Invictus,  Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria.  CIL,  VI,  717;  ILS, 
4217. 

Sol  Invictus  et  Luna  Aeterna,  Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria.  CIL, 


VI,  755;  ILS,  3940. 

Sol,  Luna,  Apollo,  Diana 55 

Sol,  Luna,  Silvanus,  Genius,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  706; 

ILS,  3941. 

Sol  Mithras,  Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria.  CIL,  VI,  741. 

Sol  Sanctissimus  20 

Spes,  Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria.  CIL,  VI,  758. 

Stata  Matee  58 

Sulevae,  Villa  Maraini.  CIL,  VI,  31161;  ILS,  4778. 

Suleviae,  Vatican,  Galleria  Lapidaria.  CIL,  VI,  767. 

Teanquillitas  56 

Undae  Cyaneae,  Museo  Capitolino.  CIL,  VI,  555. 

Venti  56 

Veiovis 11 

Veeminus  10 

ViCTOEiA  Augusta 19 

Victoria  Augusta,  in  house  in  Piazza  Colonna.  CIL,  VI,  3780. 


VITA 


I,  Helen  Cox  Bowerman,  was  born  in  Rochester,  Hew 
York,  July  27,  1878.  My  father  was  Daniel  Bowerman, 
niy  mother  Mary  Weeks  Bowerman.  I was  prepared  for 
college  by  the  Rochester  Free  Academy  and  from  1897  to 
1901  I was  a student  at  Mount  Holyoke  College,  from 
which  I was  graduated  in  1901  with  the  degree  of  Bachelor 
of  Arts.  During  1902-1903  I studied  at  the  University 
of  Rochester  and  at  the  end  of  that  year  received  the  degree 
of  Master  of  Arts.  In  1908—1909  I held  a scholarship  in 
Classical  Archaeology  and  Latin  in  Bryn  Mawr  College  and 
in  the  two  following  years  I held  the  resident  Fellowship 
in  Archaeology.  The  year  1910-1911  I spent  in  study 
abroad,  at  the  University  of  Bonn  and  the  American  School 
of  Classical  Studies  in  Rome.  In  the  fall  of  1911  I re- 
turned to  Bryn  Mawr  College  as  the  holder  of  the  ’86 
Fellowship  of  Mount  Holyoke  College,  and  during  that 
year  completed  the  required  work  for  the  Doctor’s  degree. 

From  1903  to  1905  I taught  in  the  High  School  at  Mace- 
don,  Hew  York,  and  from  1905  to  1908  I was  Instructor 
in  Latin  in  Western  College,  Oxford,  Ohio. 

My  work  at  Bryn  Mawr  has  been  under  the  direction  of 
Professor  Caroline  Ransom,  formerly  of  the  Department 
of  Archaeology,  now  of  the  Metropolitan  Museum  in  Hew 
York;  of  Professor  Arthur  L.  Wheeler  and  Professor 
Tenney  Frank,  of  the  Department  of  Latin;  and  during 
the  last  year,  of  Professor  David  Moore  Robinson,  of  Johns 
Hopkins  University,  who  had  charge  of  the  graduate  work 
in  Archaeology  at  Bryn  Mawr  College  for  that  year.  My 
examinations  for  the  doctorate  were  taken  in  May,  1912. 


102 


VITA 


103 


My  major  subject  was  Classical  Archaeology,  my  minor 
was  Latin. 

My  special  thanks  are  due  to  Professor  Eansom,  Pro- 
fessor Wheeler  and  Professor  Frank,  with  whom  the 
greater  part  of  my  work  was  done,  and  to  Professor  Robin- 
son for  the  direction  of  my  dissertation.  It  is  a pleasure 
to  acknowledge  their  unfailing  kindness  and  interest  in 
my  work.  My  thanks  are  also  due  to  Professor  Jesse 
Benedict  Carter,  Director  of  the  American  School  in  Rome, 
from  whom  the  first  suggestion  for  this  study  came. 


: 


■»  t ■ 


) 


